Loe raamatut: «Private Journal of Henry Francis Brooke», lehekülg 8
Enemy cavalry treated to some shells
July 30.– Sent out a reconnoitering party of Cavalry, and directed the Officer so to approach the enemy's Camp as to try and draw him out, which he did very successfully, giving us an excellent opportunity of treating him with good effect to a few shells. General Burrows and I urged on General Primrose the absolute necessity for turning out of the City the whole of the Pathans, and he authorized us to go to the Political Officer and the Wāli, and urge the great importance of this matter, and notify his determination to have it carried out. A little explanation on this subject is necessary. The population of the City of Kandahar is made up of three sections, the largest of which are Pathans, who are all Orthodox Mahomedans, very bitter against all foreigners or infidels, and our irreconcilable enemies. The next are the Moghuls or Parsiwans, who, though Mahomedans, are accounted a species of dissenter by the true Mahomedans, and hated and persecuted by them accordingly. Their sympathies are therefore (speaking comparatively) with us. The third and last are the Hindoo Merchants, an influential and numerous community, settlers from India, intent only on making money, despised by both sects of Mahomedans, who, in turn, prey on them and rob them. They are quite valueless as friends or foes, but such as they were their feelings are with us. The Pathans, to a man, were our enemies, and their presence in the City our deadliest danger, and it seemed to me quite useless to fortify our position or take measures against the enemy without, if we wilfully permitted a base and treacherous foe to remain within, our walls. The measure of turning out many innocent people was a hard and painful one, but it was one on which our very existence rested, and so I was most urgent on the point. As |Politicals objected to Pathan ejectment.| I expected, the Political Officers objected, and tried to persuade us that the risk was imaginary, &c. However, I was firm, and after a long and hot conversation which, at one time, seemed likely to culminate in a row, I carried the day, and an order was issued that all Pathans (men) should leave the City, and that in the afternoon search parties would go round to ascertain that the order was being obeyed. This unpleasant duty was confided to me, and I made all preparations for resistance, but in no case met with any, and it was clear the exodus had commenced, and eventually resulted in about 12,000 persons leaving the City of their own free will. This was a gain not only in getting rid of a certain set of desperate enemies, but also in reducing the number of mouths to be fed and supplied with water, the latter more especially. Though this was a good beginning, I was by no means satisfied that all the dangerous element had been removed, and from time to time persistently urged my views to this effect, until eventually it seemed we had reduced the evil to a minimum. I cannot say that even yet (written August 14th) I am quite satisfied, but I hope and believe the internal danger is greatly reduced. Throughout we got no hearty assistance from the Political Officers, the Wāli, or the City Authorities, the Chief of which (called the Kotwal) is, I believe, the prime villain of the lot, and I informed Colonel St. John (the Political Officer) that I considered he ought to be arrested, and that I should myself, on my own responsibility, assuredly seize him if there was the sign of an emeute in the town. I have no doubt Colonel St. John will hereafter try to prove I was too decided, and too hard in this matter, but I am convinced I was right, and only wish I had more certainty that we were as safe from danger from within as he tries to make me believe. If I were General Primrose I would relieve him of all political powers while the present state of affairs lasted, and constitute myself only and chief Political Officer, and this I have urged on him. When I found it quite impossible, as it seemed to be at first, to move the Pathans out, I threatened (having received authority from General Primrose to act as might seem best) to throw a few shells into the Pathan quarter, and certainly would have done so when all other means failed, but never desired or wished to resort to so extreme a measure until all fair means had been tried.
July 31st.– After a quiet night I was up at 4·30 and sent out a reconnoitering party, which got well into Cantonments without resistance, and returned almost unopposed. While, however, they were so employed, a large body of Cavalry and Infantry appeared on our right front, in the direction of Mandi Hissar, and occupied 2 villages within 1,000 yards of the wall. General Primrose ordered me to take out some Cavalry and Infantry to clear them off, which I did, and had a smart little fight, effecting our object, and killing about 30 of the enemy, with a loss to ourselves of one man killed and 3 wounded. I sent in to ask General Primrose to send me some guns, as the enemy had fallen back into a strong village, against the loopholed walls of which I did not care to rush the men until I had got a practicable breach. No guns coming, and the object of the little expedition having been effected, I withdrew my party to the Fort, where I found that General Primrose had not wished to push the affair further, and had sent to tell me so, but the message had not reached me. Hard at work all day improving our defences. Everyone is on duty always, and despite the hot sun and incessant labor, all are in first-rate |Demolitions of cover outside city gates.| health. Now the General regrets that he did not take advantage of the opportunity offered by the firing on our guards and picquets, to have all the cover, which lies round the City Gates outside, down. It must all be done now, and as our working parties are always opposed, we lose men daily over the business. We all feel that we owe more than half our troubles and difficulties to the happy-go-lucky style adopted by General Stewart, who steadily objected to any military precautions whatever being taken at Kandahar. He is certainly the luckiest man in the world – having got safe away before his faults and oversights began to bear fruit.
August 1st.– Sent out very heavy working parties to clear the front of the Kabul Gate, which is a mass of houses and bazaars. These parties are relieved every four hours, and have to be protected by strong covering parties who are in conflict with the enemy the whole day, but both sides taking advantage of the cover afforded by the numerous walls, little serious loss results as a rule, though there is seldom a day that 4, 5, or more men are not killed and wounded. At 2 p.m. took direction of a small force to endeavour to find more of the Pathans, who are, I am confident, still lurking in the City intent on no good. It was a most unpleasant duty, but I hardened my heart, and made all I found go out. We got over 700 out on this occasion. I cannot say I am yet satisfied, and think we are being fooled and possibly betrayed by the Wāli and his servants.
August 2nd.– Up at 5 a.m. to direct an attack on a garden opposite our S.W. Bastion, which is the salient of my line of defence. Gave the executive charge to Colonel Bannerman, who carried out the affair in accordance with my instruction in an excellent manner, and most successfully, and though the resistance was steady, our loss was only 1 man killed and 1 wounded, the enemy losing very considerably.
Walls divided into separate commands
August 3rd.– My birthday; 44 years old to-day; could not help thinking much of all the dear ones at home, knowing how anxious they would be, and feeling sure I would not be forgotten on this day especially. Still working hard at our defences. The walls were divided into 4 sections for commands, as follows: —
Though mine is shorter a good deal than either General Burrows' or General Nuttall's, it has the drawback of being farthest from the Citadel, and it is generally supposed it will be the one on which the heaviest attack will come. Each front is covered outside with a net-work of walls which must be destroyed.
August 4th.– All at the works. The enemy was rather troublesome, but a few shot and shell, and a steady fire from our selected marksmen, kept them off. The Wāli's Cavalry – about 80 men – went out of the Shikarpore Gate and looted some forage, about a mile to the front, in very good style. Prepared an Abatis in front of my gate, and cut off the water supply of a village 1,000 yards due south. Slept on the ramparts, and visited all my line twice between 11 p.m. and 4 a.m. I have a camp bed up on the walls, but no one undresses, and sleep is taken in very small snatches. I may say now I live on my wall, as, except returning to the Citadel for breakfast and dinner and a wash, I never leave the ramparts. We have rather a snug little mess, managed by Colonel Beville, consisting of General Burrows and his Brigade Major, Captain Law; Colonel Beville, and Captain Leckie, my Brigade Major, and myself. So far we have fared very comfortably, as there is a good deal to be bought, and we had a good deal of stores, &c., when we came in. I have quite given up any sort of wine or spirits during the day, and drink nothing but water or cold tea until dinner, when I have one glass of sherry, and sometimes a little hock and water, but generally, when I can get it, lime juice and water. I never touch spirits at all, and am convinced that for hard work there is nothing like drinks that do not inebriate.
August 5th.– Large covering and working parties in front of the Herat Gate to remove heavy cover between it and the General's old garden. Hardly any resistance offered by the enemy. I completed the Abatis and wire entanglements opposite my gate, and the S.E. and S.W. Bastions, both of which come within my charge. I consider the S.W. Bastion the weakest point of my line, and the one where the heaviest and worst attack will be. I have a 40-pounder gun in the S.E. Bastion, and 2 9-pounders in the S.W. Bastion. Urged thereto by General Burrows and myself, General Primrose had the Kotwal of the City arrested, and in the presence of General Burrows, Colonel St. John, the Nawab Hussun Ali, and myself, warned him of the precarious position in which he stood in case of any outbreak in the City, and told him of the reason of his arrest, &c. He was then conveyed to safe quarters, where he is kept under a European guard, no one seeing him except in the presence of the officer. I feel sure he was a traitor to us, and had some bad scheme in contemplation, and his arrest will nip his machinations in the bud. Even Colonel St. John was glad he was arrested.
August 6th.– At 3 a.m. every man was turned out and occupied the post he would hold in case of attack, to ascertain that all knew their places. Everything was very quietly done, and the arrangements worked well. The working parties in front of my gate were much annoyed by the enemy firing at long distances. One officer, Lieut. De Trafford, 7th Fusiliers, was wounded. We brought down a mortar and cleared out one of the most troublesome villages. Ayoob Khan's Camp was observed to be pitched behind Picquet Hill in the old Cantonments.
Enemy's camp successfully shelled
August 7th.– Threw some shells (40-pounders) with excellent effect into Ayoob's Camp. A regular stampede ensued, and many tents were seen to be on fire, and the Camp was quickly deserted. The distance from us being 3,500 yards (2 miles) they thought they were quite safe, and their horror and astonishment was all the greater. We heard afterwards that one shell had killed 10 and wounded 2 men, burning down the tent in which they were lying. Busy all day on my walls improving the fire capacity which, owing to the peculiar formation of the walls and towers, is very defective, and, do what we may, will never be really good. The heat is very great, inducing great lassitude, which is not wonderful, seeing one barely gets 4 hours sleep out of 24, and never has one's clothes off except for one's tub, the great luxury of the day, and which I always have now just before dinner.
August 8th.– Heavy firing from the enemy on the working parties in front of the Durani and Kabul Gates, and it took a serious administration of mortar shells to quiet the enemy. For the first time the enemy opened their Artillery on us from a well constructed battery on Picquet Hill. Our 40-pounder at the N.W. angle, however, made excellent practice, and dismounted one of their guns. The enemy have moved their Camp to a position beyond Abasabad, 5,000 yards from our guns. They are busy throwing up batteries against the Herat face.
First proposal to attack Deh Kojah
August 9th.– Large working and covering parties (under Colonel Daubeny) in front of the S.W. Bastion to complete necessary demolitions. We lost several men, killed and wounded, but did good work. A large force of the enemy collected in the village opposite Shikarpore Gate, but were turned out by our mortar fire. It was proposed to attack the village of Deh Kojah, which is 900 yards from the Kabul Gate, in view to inflicting a lesson on the enemy. It was clear we could not think of holding it, or any other place beyond the walls, and therefore we should have no real advantage to recompense us for the certain loss the enterprise would entail. For many good reasons I objected to the plan, as useless and involving a certain heavy loss and discouragement to the men, and eventually it was given up, a short bombardment being substituted for it, which was, I fear, not very useful either.
August 10th.– Quiet night; but at 6·30 a.m. enemy opened, on the S.W. Bastion, with a gun which had been placed in position during the night in village opposite Shikarpore Gate. The shells fell short, doing no damage, and our artillery forced him to evacuate the position. Enemy appear to be busy throwing up entrenchments on Picquet Hill, also in a corner of the garden opposite S.W. Bastion. He threw some shells into the Citadel, one bursting in a room next to the Church. For the first time I had leisure, and went round and visited all the wounded officers and men, all doing well, though Major Iredell's wound is very serious. Threw some shells into enemy's work in front of S.W. Bastion. Effect not satisfactory, and the distance being only 400 yards, portions of the shells flew back over us, and one bit killed one of our mules. On going my rounds at 10 p.m. I heard decided indications of men at work in the village opposite the Shikarpore Gate, and also sounds of wheels (artillery), from which I judged the enemy were throwing up a battery there. Reinforced parties on walls, and remained expecting an attack all night, but none came.
August 11th.– At daylight discovered that the village in front of my Gate has, as I anticipated, been much fortified since the previous evening, but were quite unable to discover where the battery, if there is one, is placed. Letters received for the first time from India, but only two in cypher, for General Primrose and Colonel St. John. By them we are informed that Sir F. Roberts left Kabul on the 7th, with a division to assist us – he cannot be here before the 1st of next month – and that General Phayre was doing all he could to gather a force to bring to our relief. He was at Quetta on the 6th, so it is unlikely that he either can arrive until the end of the month. Bombarded village in front of Shikarpore Gate with good effect.
August 12th.– A quiet night. Being grouse-shooting day, we acted as grouse, and were heavily shot at as we had a large covering and working party out opposite the S.W. Bastion, in hopes of effecting some much wanted demolitions. The whole were under the command of Lieut. – Colonel Griffiths, 1st N.I., who, in my judgment, by no means made the most of his opportunities, and little or no work was done. The gardens which had to be taken were full of the enemy, who were, however, smartly driven out by the Fusiliers and 19th N.I., but owing to supports not being brought up, the enemy returned in force, and the position became untenable, unless we wished to precipitate a general action, which was undesirable. All sorts of wild reports were sent in of large gatherings of the enemy approaching, which I did not credit, but it was considered wiser to recall the parties, which was done, and all fell back under a fierce fire, during which many of our men fell. I was standing on the parapet, directing matters as far as I could, when I |Gallant act of two R.E. Officers.| witnessed, just 20 feet beneath me, a grand piece of gallantry on the part of two young R.E. Officers (Lieuts. Jones and Waller), who, under a galling fire, returned from safe cover and carried into safety a wounded sepoy, during which operation one of the men who was with them, a private of the 7th, was killed – shot through the head. I can personally testify to the hotness of the fire, and I have recommended both for the V. C., which I think they fully deserve. I am opposed altogether to these small fights which cost many lives and have but little results, but the next there is I shall, I think, take myself and try to make a better job of it than was done to-day.
August 13th.– Quiet night and morning. Not a soul to be seen all round. After breakfast went on the Signal Tower to watch the effect of a few 40-pounder shells, which we were going to throw into the enemy's new camp, at 5,000 yards' range. The shots were excellent, and evidently created much consternation, but the enemy had evidently seen our group on the Signal Tower, and at once sent a 12-pounder shell at us, which went beyond the Tower, his second trial was short and went into the City, but his third shot was so far successful that he hit the lower part of the Tower. At 6 p.m. we shelled a Battery in Deh Khoja. The enemy replied briskly for ½ an hour, and then finding it too hot, shut up. On this occasion we used 7-pounder shells in the 9-pounder guns, to which they had been adapted by an ingenious contrivance of Major Caldecott. They proved a great success, and are a grand addition to our firing powers, as we have 1,100 of them in the Arsenal. On coming back to the walls after dinner I found a telegram from the Herat Gate, to say that large bodies of men were advancing with music, &c. Knowing the anxious nature of my friend in command there the information did not much excite me, and I waited till I could get down to the S.W. Bastion before deciding if any special measures were necessary. Getting there I heard the music (most discordant), and concluded it was in the Engineer Garden in our old Cantonments, and was merely the enemy having a musical evening. The fact that there was music was rather a proof that the enemy did not contemplate an attack. There were, no doubt, many people about, but on the whole I decided there was nothing at the moment worth turning out the Garrison for, so sent a re-assuring telegram to Head Quarters, which was justified by a quiet night.
Further attacks on the Shikapore Gate
August 14th.– At 6·30 the enemy opened a Battery on the Shikarpore Gate, to which we quickly replied, shutting him and his guns up in ½ an hour. A spy came in who reports our shells have created much damage among the enemy; also that they lost 60 men in the little affair of the 12th, among them Mahomed Azim Khan, Governor of Furrah, a very great man indeed. The spy says there is an Artillery Officer prisoner with Ayoub Khan, and that he is very well treated in every way; he also says that the enemy have 1,500 wounded now lying at Maiwand.
Here the Diary ends!
APPENDIX
From
Rt. Hon. Hugh Childers, M.P.,
War Office.
To
Mrs. Brooke,
Ashbrooke,
Brookeboro'.
I deeply regret to have to announce to you that General Brooke fell in a sortie from Kandahar on the Sixteenth of August. Pray accept my most sincere condolences on the terrible loss to yourself and to the country.
From Her Majesty the Queen
Balmoral Castle,August 27th, 1880.
Lt. – General Sir Henry Ponsonby presents his compliments to Mrs. Brooke.
He has been commanded to convey the Queen's sincere and earnest sympathy with her in her grief, and Her Majesty's sorrow at the loss sustained by Mrs. Brooke in the recent action near Kandahar, where the Queen has had to lament the death of so many brave officers and men.
The accounts which Her Majesty has received of Brigadier-General Brooke only increase her deep regret that she should have been deprived of the services of so gallant and worthy a soldier.
From
H. E. The Governor,
Bombay.
To
Mrs. Brooke,
Ashbrooke,
Brookeboro'.
Viceroy desires me to convey to you his deep sympathy, in which I beg to join. It is reported your gallant Husband was killed while trying to carry off Captain Cruikshank when wounded.
From Major General Dillon.
Horse Guards, Pall Mall,
London, August 30th, 1880.
My dear Mrs. Brooke,
I have waited for some days before carrying out the wishes of the Duke of Cambridge, received from Kissengen, to convey to you by letter an expression of His Royal Highness' deep sympathy with you in your great affliction, and his sense of the loss which the service has sustained by the death of a gallant soldier and distinguished officer. In alluding to the sad event in the last letter received from Germany only to-day, His Royal Highness continues – "I am too sorry for General Brooke's death, a good officer lost to the service at a critical moment for the garrison of Kandahar. Lord Napier will feel it much."
Believe me,
Dear Mrs. Brooke,
Yours very sincerely,
M. A. DILLON.
From Lord Napier of Magdala
August 25th, 1880.
Dear Lady Arabella,
I cannot resist writing you a few lines to express my most sincere sympathy with you, and my sorrow at the loss of your gallant son at Kandahar, which the telegram has to-day announced to us. I have felt so much confidence in your son being with the Force, that I look upon his loss as a great public misfortune, as well as a domestic calamity, the bitterness of which you and his widow alone can tell. I much entreat you, dear friend, to try and remember that he fell nobly doing his duty, and I trust that God in his mercy will give you strength to bear this heavy bereavement, and will in His own time comfort you and the poor widow. Lady Napier joins me in the truest and deepest sympathy.
Believe me,
Dear Lady Arabella,
Yours most sincerely,
NAPIER OF MAGDALA.
Statement of Sergeant-Major Rickard, 2/7th Royal Fusiliers
Sergeant-Major T. Rickard, of the 2/7th Fusiliers, states: – On the 16th August, 1880, I was one of the Party ordered out for the storming of Deh Khoja, under General Brooke. We attacked the village at the South end about 5.30 a.m. under a very heavy fire in all directions from the enemy. When we arrived in the centre of the village, Captain Cruikshank, R.E., got wounded. General Brooke assisted in helping him along. We then advanced further on, to force our way through the village, when we halted and got under a wall, as we thought under cover, but the enemy's fire from all directions kept getting heavier, and the longer we stopped the heavier the fire got. General Brooke said to me, "Sergeant-Major, we shall never get out of this, I am afraid." He then ordered us to retire back out of the village. We did so. After we got out of the village about 300 yards, we halted again under cover about 10 minutes, and fired on the enemy as fast as we could. General Brooke asked me to send him another man to help him along with Captain Cruikshank. I did so, and we retired again towards the Fort, and had only got about 200 yards when General Brooke was shot in the head (dead), and the other man that was helping was shot. I was with General Brooke the whole time, till he was shot.
T. RICKARD,
Sergeant-Major 2/7th Royal Fusiliers.
From Colonel French, R.A., Commanding Artillery in Kandahar
Kandahar, 26th August.
My Dear Annie,
Most sincerely do I sympathize with you in the loss of your dear good Husband, poor Henry; he was so genial, cheery, kind, and courteous to all who came in contact with him, and much beloved and respected by everyone in this Force. No braver or truer soldier lost his life in that ill-fated attack on Deh Khoja. I miss him so very much, we were thrown so much together during the last four months. No man was more keen for a fight than poor Henry, and when the day of battle did come, right gallantly he led his men, sacrificing his life in the humane effort to rescue a wounded man from falling into the hands of the enemy. From Trumpeter McGlynn, C/2 R.A., who was his Orderly Trumpeter on the 16th August, I have heard the following account of how poor Henry fell: – After half an hour's skirmishing they reached the village, and on entering, Henry and the Trumpeter had just dismounted, when a volley from the enemy so startled their horses they broke away, and galloped back to within the City. Henry advanced through the village on foot, cheering on his men amidst a galling fire of musketry, which the enemy poured on them from loop-holed walls. Arrived in the centre of the village, Captain Cruikshank, R.E., fell badly wounded. At this time our men were being driven back by superior numbers and the heavy fire from the houses. Henry helped to carry Cruikshank; succeeded in getting him out of the village, of which they had got clear about 30 yards, Henry still supporting Cruikshank, when he was struck down by apparently a bullet in the head. Trumpeter McGlynn states that he fell forward on his face and never moved after; so poor Henry's death must have been instantaneous. The Trumpeter and a few men of the 7th Fusiliers tried to carry off the body, but were compelled to desist owing to the enemy making a rush on them. Deh Khoja was evacuated on the night of the 24th, and on the following day search was made for the bodies of our fallen. Henry's was found and buried near where he fell, under a Peepul tree, the Rev. Mr. Cane, our Chaplain, having read the Burial Service. This terrible loss of life at Maiwand and Deh Khoja has cast a gloom on all here, and no man is more generally sorrowed for and regretted than poor Henry – every inch a soldier. No man worked harder to put this City in a state of defence. I looked upon him as one of our rising Generals, who, later on, would have shone out with much distinction.
From Colonel B.
Kandahar, 14th September, 1880.
My dear Major H.,
I am sorry I have been unable, through press of work, to fulfil my promise before now, and send you the particulars of the unfortunate affair of Deh Khoja, on the 16th August, as far as they are known by me, which cost us so many valuable lives, and more especially that of my dear friend General Brooke, whose loss was deeply felt by everyone here, for he was not only much loved by all, but he had proved himself to be possessed of the greatest energy and cool good judgment, and had consequently gained the confidence of all ranks, both senior and junior. I have no hesitation in saying that we are indebted to him for much that was done to strengthen our position here, and in the arrangements for the defence. He never rested until he got the Pathans turned out of the City, and the place disarmed. How much he did do, and how much his wise influence effected will probably never be known fully by the Public; but from a perusal of his Diary which I gave you, it will be seen how continually active he was in carrying out the work assigned to him, and what his opinions were on many subjects. He was strongly opposed to the attack on Deh Khoja, for many reasons, which he gives in his Diary, and he was mainly instrumental in its being abandoned the week before, when it had been resolved on. The attack was finally decided on, the following week, on the advice, I believe, of the Commanding Engineer, in consequence of our working parties employed outside the Kabul Gate, in demolishing some buildings, having been prevented by the fire from Deh Khoja completing the work. His objections to it were stronger than before, as it was known that the enemy had been busily employed all the week in fortifying the village, and he feared that the loss would be greater than we could afford, or than the good to be gained. He could not, however, urge his objections, as he had done on the previous occasion, as he was nominated to command the attack. The force was composed of 30 °Cavalry, 300 Royal Fusiliers, and 500 Native Infantry. The Cavalry left the Eedgar Gate at 4 o'clock in the morning, and making a wide detour of the village of Kairabad took up a position in the rear of Deh Khoja, i. e., on the west. Our guns on the walls then commenced a bombardment to prepare the Infantry attack, and at 5·30 a.m. the Infantry moved out of the Kabul Gate, covered by riflemen from the walls. Immediately they got out into the open they came under a very heavy fire from the village, which is from 700 to 800 yards from the City, but the troops advanced in splendid form and were never once checked. They entered the village at the south, as had been previously decided on, and we then lost sight of them, but we could hear them hard at work with their rifles. I need not describe the village, for you have seen it and know what a labyrinth of narrow streets and high walls it is, every enclosure being a regular little fortification, so that as soon as the enemy was driven out of one position they ran into another like a lot of rats, and our force was too weak to hold the positions as they were taken. General Brooke, however, pushed on with his troops right through the village from south to north, and leaving a strong party of the Fusiliers at the latter part, he retraced his steps with a view of completing the capture, but by this time the enemy began to pour in from the south of the village; these were reinforcements sent by Ayoob Khan from the cantonments as soon as he had heard the firing going on. They advanced by the gardens and village on the south of the City, which afforded them shelter from our fire until they came opposite our S. E. Bastion where we had a 40-pounder and 9-pounder which gave them several rounds, but did not do them much damage, the practice being bad. It did not at any rate check them. Our cavalry, however, seeing them coming, moved down in that direction and stopped them for some little time, but being exposed to a heavy fire from the enclosures when they could not act, they had to be withdrawn. On finding that the enemy were crowding into the village from the south, General Brooke sent his Brigade-Major to General Primrose to report matters and to ask for orders, the reply to which was to retire his Force at once, but by the time this officer got back to the village the enemy held it in such force he could not get to General Brooke, who was still in the centre of it. A Trumpeter of C/2, who was with General Brooke all the time, informed me that when they returned from the north of the village and had reached about the centre, they found Captain Cruikshank, R.E., severely wounded, and unable to move, and finding that the enemy was closing in on them all round, General Brooke looked out for some defensible place into which he could get the party which was with him, consisting of men of the Fusiliers and Native Sappers, and for this purpose he made for a court-yard in which there were buildings, but directly they entered it they were met by a heavy fire. It was here that Captain Cruikshank begged him to leave him to his fate, and save himself and party, but he nobly refused to do this, and thinking there were still some of his party in the south of the village where he had left them, he determined to push on in that direction, so calling for volunteers of the Fusiliers to carry poor Cruikshank, they moved down to the south under a heavy fire and got out into the open. All the parties had been compelled to withdraw, and there was nothing left for them but to make the best of their way back to the City, taking advantage of what cover they could find. They were much hampered by having to carry poor Cruikshank, and they had frequently to change the men who were carrying him. It was during one of these changes, when they had got about 100 yards from the village, and poor Brooke was supporting Cruikshank with his left arm while the men were being relieved, that he was shot through the back, just between the shoulders, and fell dead; at the same time a number of Ghazis made a rush on them from the village, and the remainder of the party retreated hastily towards the City. On the 25th August the village was evacuated by the enemy, and we went out to bury the bodies. I found and recognised poor Brooke's body. He was lying among several others, and Cruikshank and a Sergeant Strong were close to him. It was a fearfully melancholy sight, but it was a great satisfaction to recover the bodies and to give them burial, which we did under a tree close to the spot where they fell. While deeply grieving and lamenting over his death and those who died with him, one cannot but feel proud of his noble and gallant conduct in sacrificing himself in endeavouring to save a brother officer. Among the papers which I gave you, you will find one containing his views on the situation in Afghanistan, which will repay perusal, and which will, no doubt, be valuable to his family. I have his sword, which I forgot to give you with the other things I had selected to send home. I will take care of it till I get an opportunity of sending it home.
From Mrs. L.
11th October.
My dear B.,
I am enclosing one sheet of the letter which was written on the 16th August, the day of the sortie.
Kandahar, August 16th.
This is a very sad day for us. There was a great sortie this morning against a village outside the Kabul Gate. We sent out 800 Infantry and 30 °Cavalry under General Brooke. They got into the village, and there they suffered considerable loss. The Fusiliers lost 2 Officers, Marsh and Wood, both young boys, 25 killed, and 29 wounded; the 28th one Officer, Colonel Newport, killed, and 30 killed and 19 wounded; the 19th 2 Officers, Major Trench and Lieut. Stayner, killed. Their return of men have not yet come in. Major Vandeleur, 7th Fusiliers, is badly wounded; Colonel Nimmo, 28th, dangerously; Colonel Shewell, of the Commissariat, wounded; Lieut. Wood, of the Transport, badly wounded; Captain Cruikshank, of the Engineers, killed; the Rev. Gordon, dangerously wounded; and last and worst, General Brooke killed. I feel so sad about it, I can hardly speak, for I had learnt almost to love him, indeed I may say quite. He was shot through the head as he was carrying poor Cruikshank away from the village; and the worst of it is, that, in the opinion of many of us, this sortie was a quite useless waste of life. I believe we inflicted considerable loss of life on the enemy; but it was mere madness attacking with such a small force, a labyrinth of lanes and houses like that. Brooke knew it, but could not protest, as he was ordered to command the Force. Burrows knew it, but he was not consulted. A man of the Fusiliers, whom I questioned about Brooke's death, says, the party he was with would never have got out of the village but for him. He is a great loss, for he was the best head we had, and I think the whole Force deplores his loss, nearly – though not quite as much as I do. When you write to B., let her and her husband know how he was loved, and how nobly he died. I cannot write any more. There is a great deal to be done; but no more sorties, I trust. We ought merely to have waited, but somebody got an idea we ought to do something.
"Poor Brooke was warned that he was going to certain death when he went back for Cruikshank, but he would go. Cruikshank was mortally wounded, and begged them to leave him and save themselves. Brooke had ordered the Cavalry to cover the retreat of the Infantry, which was construed into an order to retire, and the consequence was that the Cavalry was withdrawn, and crowds of men rushed into the village, which had been kept in check on the far side of the Cavalry – even before our men were out of the village. I cannot tell you how I miss Brooke, he was always so cheery and jolly, and had such sound views; he was the best head we had in the Force." In another letter he says, "Brooke's loss shows day by day more seriously; his cheery temper and sound views had the best influence.
"We miss his counsels greatly, in another way he is a great loss, as he knew every yard of the country round, and would have been the very man to lead a turning column. If it were not for the loss of Brooke, I should feel quite jolly, but I can't get him out of my head."
From Mrs. P.
21st October, 1880.
Dear Mr. Brooke,
We had this morning letters from my brother Colonel H., at Kandahar, and we think you would like to hear what he says of your Brother. To my husband my brother writes: – Poor Brooke, as gallant a fellow as ever stepped, led the attack, and after doing gallant deeds was recalled by the orders of General Primrose (from the walls of the City), and in retiring and trying to save a brother officer's life lost his own. The three columns, as is invariably the case, lost all sight and touch of each other, and nobody knew where the others were; in spite of it all, the effect on the enemy was very great, and the siege to all intents and purposes ended.
Poor Brooke was full of zeal and energy, and died a soldier's death in being the last to leave the village, and in attempting to carry poor Cruikshank, who had been fatally wounded, out of action. It may be a satisfaction to Mrs. Brooke to know that he behaved so gallantly and was spared all suffering while carrying his brother officer under a most murderous fire. 24 were killed round about him, and the heaviest loss occurred where he fell; he did not retire of his own accord, and was greatly surprised to get the order which was sent him by General Primrose; on receiving it he sent orders for the several parties to retire, and fell back himself last of all with a few men. Being ordered to retire, he had no opportunity to carry out his plan to the end; it might have been a grand success or a heavy loss, but his loss was very heavily felt by the Force.
In the Battle of Pir Paimal we formed, with one of Roberts' Brigades, the Reserve, while two Brigades attacked. Our Reserve had a grand chance of distinguishing themselves, and had Brooke been alive, I believe it would have been done.
Extract from another Brother's Letter
August 27th, 1880.
The day before yesterday we got the news of the sortie of the Garrison (Kandahar) on the 16th: it has had good results, and was successful; yet the heavy loss in Senior Officers does not read well. General Brooke is amongst the killed, and I am very sorry at this, for, no doubt, he was one of the best men in the Garrison, and is sure to have been always plucky and cheery.
From Col.
Kandahar, September, 1880.
… Brooke was constantly at General Primrose about our weakness in Troops and the defencelessness of the Citadel, but he would never sanction any money being spent on it. Everything he did, or rather did not do, was bad enough, but I shall never forgive him the Deh Khoja business on the 16th August, which lost us poor Brooke's life, and the lives of so many brave men, without any object. General Primrose had ordered the assault on Deh Khoja the week before, but Brooke and Burrows got him to countermand it for the following reasons, namely: – The village was built of thick mud walls and roofs, so that it could not possibly be burned; it was known to be very strongly held by the enemy, and would therefore require a large Force to take it, and we should therefore lose a great many more men than we could spare, and if we captured it we could not hold it, as we had not enough men to man our own walls properly, and as it could not be burned, or destroyed, or held, the enemy would simply walk back into it the minute we left it; and the last and best reason was, that as there were two Forces coming to our relief, our duty was to hold Kandahar, and do nothing to endanger our position, and certainly not to go outside the walls to fight the enemy, giving up the advantage that we had. We all thought the insane idea had been given up for good, but the following week General Primrose sent for Brooke and Burrows, and told them that he had made up his mind to attack the village next morning, and told Brooke he was to command the Force. This, of course, effectually prevented Brooke saying what he thought, as he told me he could not raise objections against it, under these circumstances, as it might be thought that he was afraid, but he said, "the objections against it are greater than they were before, as it is known that the enemy have been hard at work all the week fortifying the place." Burrows ought to have done his best to oppose it, but as Brooke did not oppose, for the above reason he, said nothing, and so the attack unfortunately took place the next morning. Being on the Head Quarter Staff, I was not, of course, allowed to go, but I watched it from the walls where our riflemen covered the advance of the attacking party and our big guns. The village of Deh Khoja was only 700 yards off, and the enemy fired at us tremendously. The troops advanced under a very heavy fire, very steadily and well, and entered the village and went right through it, but the place was like a rabbit warren right through it, with very large loop-holed walls, from which the enemy kept up an incessant fire without our men being able to see them, and as soon as they were turned out of one enclosure they ran into another, and back again into those they had been turned out of, for our Forces were not strong enough to hold the enclosures as they were taken, and all this time the enemy was pouring into the village from Ayoub Khan's main Force. At last General Primrose sent to order the Force to retreat, and no doubt poor Brooke could have got away unhurt, but he stopped to bring away a wounded officer, and so lost his life. We did not recover the bodies of the killed until the 25th, 10 days after, when the village was deserted by the enemy. I went to search for poor Brooke, whom I recognised, and I buried him myself. I cannot get over his loss. We have lived together since we came here, and I have become very fond of him; I am sure he liked me, and that I have lost a good friend in him. He was a fine fellow, brave as a lion, and a thorough soldier in every way; clear-headed and with excellent judgment. It is indeed grievously sad such a fine fellow should have been lost, for he is a loss to the whole army, in such a needless manner.
From Lieut. F.
26th February, 1881.
My dear Mrs. Brooke,
… He (General Brooke) was quite against the sortie, but being put in command of it he was obliged to keep quiet. General Nuttall, who commanded the Cavalry, and who was senior to General Brooke, was ordered to co-operate with him. After our Infantry, with whom General Brooke was, had penetrated into the village, the General found that he could not hold it, and sent a note in pencil to General Nuttall, who was with the Cavalry, which was drawn up in line to the south of Deh Khoja, and thus between it and the villages to the south, asking him to cover the retreat from Deh Khoja. However, General Primrose, who was looking on from the walls just about this time, sent his orderlies, one to General Brooke, the other to General Nuttall, ordering them both to retire. General Nuttall received the order immediately after getting General Brooke's note, and instead of doing what the latter requested, retired his Cavalry at once to the City. The result was that the villagers of all the southern villages instantly swarmed round Deh Khoja, and cut off the retreat of the Infantry. These poor fellows had to run for their lives through a gauntlet of fire. General Brooke got safely out of the village, but went back with a few men to aid others, and in trying to save Captain Cruikshank, of the Engineers, was shot through the head and killed instantly. This, I believe, is the full account of the disaster, which would not have occurred, if the Cavalry had remained to cover the retreat.
From Colonel B.
Kandahar, 5th December, 1880.
My dear Mrs. Brooke,
… We had lived together up here, and I had learnt to love him as a brother, for he was all that was noble and kind and generous, and I felt his sad loss most truly and most deeply. I shall never forget that fearful morning as long as I live. I was distracted when the remnants of the Force returned and he was not with it. I fear I forgot everyone else in my grief at losing my dearest friend, and the one head in whom we all placed full reliance and faith, and regarding whom we universally felt, as long as he was with us, all would be well. I can assure you, dear Mrs. Brooke, he was beloved by every one here, and his loss was universally mourned for as the greatest one that could have happened to us, for every one appreciated his splendid soldier-like qualities and clear-headed abilities, and as to his courage and determination it was the admiration of everyone, so you must not think he was not loved and valued here, for I have no hesitation in saying that he possessed the love and confidence of everybody, for everybody went to him for advice, and he never refused it to anyone. Would that General Primrose had taken his advice, and stuck to it alone, and then that wretched sortie would never have taken place. I handed over his Letts' rough diary to Major H., and in that he records his opinion on the sortie when ordered the week before, and which he prevented. Unfortunately, as he told me himself, his mouth was closed on the second occasion, as he was ordered to command the attacking Force, and it would appear as if he was afraid, and besides he had given General Primrose his opinion very clearly about it, on the previous occasion, and the objections and arguments, he then made against it, had become stronger, for it was known that the enemy had been busily engaged all the week fortifying the place. I will not relate again the particulars of that sad day, as I feel sure you must have, before now, received the long account I sent through Major H., and it is very painful to me to refer to it; suffice it to say, that your dear Husband fell as a true and brave soldier, nobly endeavouring to save the life of poor Captain Cruikshank, after having remained to the very last in the village to collect all the remaining men and bring them out. He might, no doubt, have secured his own safety by retiring himself sooner, but he was not the man to do so, as long as he thought there was anyone else left behind, and in fact he was coming out with Colonel Daubeny's party of the Fusiliers, by the north of the village, when he returned to satisfy himself that no one was left behind, and he went right through the place again, and came out by the south, and it was then, I understand, he found Captain Cruikshank and endeavoured to bring him out. I am sure it will be a consolation to you to know that he fell perfectly dead, and never suffered any pain. I had this direct from his Trumpeter orderly, a European, who was with him all the time, and by his side when he fell. I examined him most minutely on this point, and he assured me he never spoke a word when he fell, and I found a wound through his body caused by a bullet, which must have caused instant death.
From Col. E.
Simla,12th October, 1880.
My dear Mr. Brooke,
… To all of us who knew your gallant Brother so well, and to myself personally as an intimate friend, his death in action, nobly striving to aid a wounded comrade, has been a painful blow. He was so true and thorough a soldier that we had hoped for high distinction for him when we heard he had been sent to Kandahar, and his letters to me from that place were full of confidence. I am sure that we shall yet learn that however depressed and dispirited others may have been during the siege, that Henry Brooke was never down-hearted, or anything else, but as brave a soldier in life as he was in death.
From Col. W.
Poona, Bombay,October, 1880.
My dear Mr. Brooke,
By this time, of course, you have full particulars of your Brother's death, so it is needless for me to enter into the sad details, but amidst all this sorrow which this has caused you and his other relations, is the proud recollection that no man ever died more nobly, or as a soldier could wish for, whilst the high estimation in which he was held by all who knew him, must be a source of satisfaction to you all. For myself, I can only say that I sympathise most truly with you all in the affliction which has fallen on you, for though our acquaintance was not of long standing, we were for the time thrown much together, and in him I mourn a true friend, whose friendship and esteem it was an honor to possess, and whose untimely fate I shall always deplore.
From Captain E.
Edinburgh,20th November, 1880.
My dear Mrs. H.,
I was very glad to receive your kind note … We were all very much grieved to hear of poor General Brooke's death under such sad circumstances, and for a time we had great anxiety regarding the safety of Kandahar, for we all knew and felt the great loss the garrison would sustain in his death, as he was one of the very few they had to trust to. I have heard several officers say, "Brooke was the life and soul of the place during the siege."
From Lt. – Colonel White, V.C., C.B., 92nd Highlanders
25th November, 1880.
My dear Brooke,
Your Brother's death gave me a greater shock than any incident in the whole war. He died like the man I knew him to be, and as you and I would like to die when our time comes. It would be some consolation to you to hear the way he is spoken of by all who knew him – "about the only man who held his head up all through the Kandahar investment, and he had a cheery word and a helping hand for everyone." …
The North of Ireland lost another fine fellow in Brownlow of the 72nd Highlanders. He and your brother Henry were perhaps the two men most highly thought of in the armies occupying Afghanistan.
From Sir G. K.
St. Stephen's Club, London,27th August.
… I am so grieved to see the telegram announcing General Brooke's death, and heartily sympathize with his Widow. He was the ruling spirit of the Kandahar Force, and has died a soldier's death, and left an honored name.
From Col. M.
St. James' Square, London,2nd September, 1880.
Your Husband died nobly in the gallant attempt to save another life: all honor, therefore, to his memory for so generously giving his own, though it was given in vain. By his death the Kandahar Garrison were deprived of their ablest leader, and the Bombay Army has lost an Adjutant-General whose place will not be easily filled. Personally I shall ever remember his kindness to me while I had the pleasure to be associated with him on the Bombay Staff.
From Lt. – Colonel White, V.C., C.B., 92nd Highlanders
Government House,20th December, 1880.
My dear Mrs. Brooke,
… I was but a very few days at Kandahar, but in those few days I heard enough to know what a name the General had left behind him. Everyone I spoke to about him said, "that he had been so looked up to and respected, that he had a cheery word and a look of confidence for all his comrades throughout the investment," and at a time, when, I am sorry to say, men of his stamp were badly wanted…
His heroic death speaks for itself; … and every officer I spoke to about him in Kandahar was as much impressed by his tender devotion to others, as by the contempt for personal danger which he had invariably shown…
I feel how inadequate anything I can write must appear to you, but it may be gratifying to you to hear that at Bombay the most universal regret was expressed to me for General Brooke, who was known to everybody there, and the deepest sympathy with you. Lord Ripon was only too glad to do all in his power to carry out your wishes.
From Colonel Sir Andrew Clarke, K.C.M.G., R.E
Bath, 23rd January, 1881.
My dear Mrs. Brooke,
I received back this morning the Journal which, with a letter from Lord Hartington's Private Secretary, I now enclose, and trust you will get them in safety. I have not proposed to retain the Journal to be copied, as it has struck me you would like this rather to be done under your own care than by anyone else. You have, no doubt, heard from Lord Napier, as he will have told you most probably of how much the recent successes achieved by the Bengal Army are, in a great measure, due to the aid and co-operation he received from your dear Husband, when on his Staff whilst commanding and re-organizing that Army, and I know that already had the discipline and morale of the Bombay Army been raised and improved during the comparatively short time my lost Friend had been its Adjutant-General. If I can be of any service, do not hesitate to make use of me…
Yours very sincerely,
AN CLARKE.
India Office,21st January, 1881.
Dear Sir Andrew Clarke,
Lord Hartington desires me to return to you the Journal of the late General Brooke, and to beg you to convey to Mrs. Brooke how much he appreciates her kindness in having allowed him the opportunity of reading an account, so full of interest, in the scenes of which so important a part was taken by her gallant and much-lamented Husband. I am to add, that it gave Lord Hartington much satisfaction to receive the messages you were good enough to send him from Mrs. Brooke.
I remain,
Faithfully yours,
R. H. HOBART.
Private.
War Office,23rd December, 1880.
My dear Clarke,
I sat up till 1 a.m., reading poor General Brooke's most interesting Journal. I am very glad indeed to have been allowed to peruse it. It proves (if proof beyond what we have had been wanted) how good a soldier and administrator he was; and his criticisms on others never go beyond the line, which habits of discipline and good sense lay down. Forgive me for having kept it so long, but until yesterday I have not had any spare time.
Yours very sincerely,
HUGH R. CHILDERS.
From the Honorable E. Stanhope
3, West Eaton Place, S.W.,January 28th, 1881.
Mr. Edward Stanhope presents his compliments to Mrs. Henry Brooke, and begs to return herewith the later parts of General Brooke's Journal. No one could read it without the greatest interest. It conveys a vivid picture of the events recorded in it, and makes one feel again the great loss which the Country has sustained by the death of one whose cool head and discretion are conspicuous throughout its pages. Mr. Stanhope cannot presume to say more to Mrs. Brooke, but in thanking her for the favor which she has shown to him in allowing the perusal of the Journal, he can only say that he shall be glad, if the opportunity should ever arise, of publicly bearing his testimony to the value of the services recorded in it.
3, West Eaton Place,April 4th.
My dear Mrs. Brooke,
I return, with many thanks, the last parts of General Brooke's Notes, and the Letters. They have had very great interest for me, and make one bitterly regret – more than ever – the blunders which led to so much national disaster, and to the irreparable loss of valuable lives. With renewed thanks.
Believe me, yours very faithfully,
EDWARD STANHOPE.
From H. E. Sir James Fergusson, Governor of Bombay
Bombay,18th January, 1881.
Sir James Fergusson presents his compliments to Lady Arabella Brooke, and begs to apologise for not having sooner replied to her Ladyship's letter of the 27th October.
Before he received it, all necessary orders had been given for the suitable transport of the remains of the late and lamented Brigadier-General Brooke, and Sir James Fergusson trusts that her Ladyship has been sensible that nothing has been omitted which could mark the respect entertained by the Government, the Services, and the public, for an officer whose loss was universally deplored, and whose death was so honorable.
Sir J. Fergusson ventures to offer his sincere sympathy and condolence with the family so grievously bereaved.
From Lord Napier of Magdala
Gibraltar,March 19th, 1881.
My dear Mrs. Brooke,
… It must have been a melancholy satisfaction to you to have been able to consign the precious remains of your noble Husband to the resting-place of his Family – a sad duty, but one of infinite value to you. It is grievous to think that if his advice had been listened to, the lives of many valuable men, as well as his own, might have been saved… Lady Napier desires her love. With kindest remembrances and regards.
Believe me,
Yours very sincerely,
NAPIER OF MAGDALA.
From Lieut. C.
Kandahar,11th January, 1881.
My dear Annie,
… Very few enjoy such general respect and admiration when living, or when gone cause such universal expressions of praise and regret. I am now living with the 7th Fusiliers, and I assure you when I came up, and now when alluded to, no officer seemed then, or now, to be able to say enough in praise of his late Brigadier, and many have some kind act or word to record, as either received at his hands or spoken to them during the siege.
In the Bombay Gazette of the 1st inst., there is an article in which the way in which Brigade Commands are given, often to people who have never, since boy service, done anything but staff work in an office, is spoken of, and asking how such officers, save in certain exceptions, can be expected to be efficient in the field, and it goes on to say, "we have on more than one occasion testified to our admiration of General Brooke's splendid qualities as a soldier, while, as time goes on, the heroic manner of his death will more and more command admiration."
I don't think in March, when the appointment was made, there was a dissenting voice or a doubt expressed that it was otherwise than the best that could be made. On the last night of the old year there was a large fire in the Citadel Square, round which all the soldiers had been singing; on our going out after mess to join them, they sang a song all about the siege and sortie, recounting where and how they had lost their Brigadier, officers, and men, the chorus of which was —
"All honor now to General Brooke,
Who in his grave does lie,
And fighting for Queen and country,
Did like a soldier die."
Of course it is soldier's language, but it nevertheless is expressive of their feelings.
From Captain C.
… General Brooke was respected and beloved by every man and officer in the Force, and esteemed by everyone. He gave me my orders on that fatal day, when he fell, and I was never near him afterwards, for he met his death, with one of our Colour-Sergeants, while nobly assisting Captain Cruikshank, R.E., who was badly wounded; but the name of General Brooke will long be remembered, and in his death we have lost one of our best Officers…
The English Army met with a great loss in General Brooke, beloved and respected as he was by all the Brigade…
General Brooke was beloved by all who knew him, and the Soldiers worshipped him…
109th Regiment,Aldershot, September 6th.
Dear Captain Brooke,
Will you kindly forward the enclosed Regimental Card, "with sincere condolence" to Mrs. Brooke. I do not know her address, and we are desirous (though we do not know her personally) to express our sympathy for her in her late bereavement, as General Brooke was such a favourite with all of the Regiment who knew him.
Believe me,
Very truly yours,
R. PRIOLEAU SIMPSON.
Lieut. – Col. Lucas, and the Officers 109TH Regiment,
With sincere Condolence
From Captain Cartwright, 48th Regiment
Tipperary, 30th June, 1881.
My dear Brooke,
Many thanks for your letter and for the two Photos. enclosed, both of which have taken their place in our Regimental Walhalla, and I hope will be handed down to posterity, carrying with them the recollection of old Officers, and one certainly a very distinguished Officer, of whom any regiment may be proud as having been numbered in its ranks. I return you the old Photograph of your Brother (General Brooke), for I fancy you may value it. Both in front and on the back there is his handwriting…
Yours sincerely,
R. A. CARTWRIGHT.
From Colonel Forbes, Commanding 109th Regiment
Aldershot, July 2nd, 1881.
Dear Sir,
Will you kindly convey to Mrs. Henry Brooke the best thanks of the Officers 109th Regiment, for sending us the Photograph of our late comrade, General Brooke, which, I need hardly say, we highly appreciate, and have placed in the Regimental Album.
Yours very truly,
CHAS. FORBES,
Lieut. – Col. Commanding 109th Regt.
Extract from the "Irish Times," August 25th, 1880
AFGHANISTAN
THE SORTIE FROM KANDAHAR
HEAVY BRITISH LOSSES
LIST OF KILLED AND WOUNDED OFFICERS
"From Viceroy, August 24.
"Following from St. John, Kandahar, 21st: – Sortie took place on 16th against village on east face of City. Has secured us from further molestation on that side, but loss very heavy.
"KILLED
"Brigadier-General Brooke, Captain Cruikshank, R.E.; Col. Newport, 28th; Major Trench, Lieutenant Stayner, 19th; Lieutenants Marsh and Wood, Fusiliers, and Rev. Mr. Gordon.
"WOUNDED
"Colonel Nimmo, 28th; Major Vandeleur, 7th; and Lieutenant Wood, Transport (all severely); Colonels Malcolmson and Shewell.
"Casualties among men, about 180.
"A messenger has also come in from Kandahar. The position there is regarded as perfectly safe. A sortie was made on the 16th, and Colonel St. John reports that its result has been to secure the east face of the City from further molestation.
"The enemy must, however, have fought with great determination, as our loss is heavy, especially in Officers.
"We have lost in killed and wounded, about 180 men. Of Officers, General Brooke, Colonel Newport, of the 28th Regiment; Major Trench, and Lieut. Stayner, of the 19th Regiment; Captain Cruikshank, R.E.; Lieutenants Marsh and Wood, of the 7th Fusiliers; and the Rev. Mr. Gordon, are killed. Colonel Nimmo, of the 28th; Major Vandeleur, of the 7th, and Lieutenant Wood, of the Transport Corps, severely wounded; and Colonels Malcolmson and Shewell, slightly wounded.
"General Brooke was killed while carrying Cruikshank, wounded, out of action."
28th August.]
GENERAL ORDER
BY
HIS EXCELLENCY THE COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF
Adjutant-General's Office, Head Quarters, Poona,28th August, 1880.
It is with much regret that the Commander-in-Chief has to announce the death of Brigadier-General H. F. Brooke, Adjutant-General, Bombay Army.
Brigadier-General Brooke having been selected for the command of a Brigade in Southern Afghanistan was, at the time of his death, engaged in command of a sortie made by the Garrison of Kandahar, and is reported to have been killed whilst endeavouring to succour a wounded brother Officer.
His Excellency desires to place on record his appreciation of the valuable services and willing assistance rendered at all times by the late Brigadier-General Brooke, and the high estimation in which his abilities and soldierly qualities were held by all who knew him.
The Commander-in-Chief feels sure that all ranks will sympathise with him in the loss the service has sustained in the noble death of so able an Officer, whilst gallantly engaged in the performance of his duties on active service in the field.
By order of His Excellency the Commander-in-Chief,
ALEX. WARDROP, Lieutenant-Colonel,
Officiating Adjutant-General.
DEATH OF BRIGADIER-GENERAL BROOKE
We regret to announce the death of this gallant gentleman, which took place under circumstances rendering the event very sad indeed. Brigadier-General Henry Francis Brooke, who was only forty-four years of age, was in command of the 2nd Infantry Brigade Kandahar Field Force, and took part in the sortie from the garrison on the 16th of August, which resulted in securing the east face of the city from further molestation by the besieging force. He had come out of action unhurt; but with a humanity which adds lustre to his gallantry, he endeavoured to carry away a wounded brother officer, Captain Cruikshank, R.E., and while engaged in this act of friendship and of mercy he was killed by a shot from the enemy. Brigadier-General Brooke was eldest son of the late Mr. G. Brooke and Lady Arabella Brooke, of Ashbrooke, in the County Fermanagh, and was of the same family as Sir Victor Brooke, Bart., of Colebrooke, in that County. He entered the army in June, 1854, and his promotion was as follows: – Lieutenant, May, '55; Captain, September, '58; Major, February, '61; Lieut. – Col, December, '71; Colonel, February, '77. In April, 1855, he landed in the Crimea with the 48th Regiment, and served at the siege and fall of Sebastopol, for which he obtained a medal with clasp and a Turkish medal. He served also throughout the campaign of 1860 in China, as aide-de-camp to Sir Robert Napier, and was present at the actions of Sinho and Tangku, the assault of the Taku Forts, at which he was severely wounded, and the final advance on and surrender of Pekin, for which he received a medal with two clasps and the brevet-rank of Major. Subsequently he held the post of Adjutant-General in Bombay, with the local rank of Brigadier-General. He was a gallant officer, sprung from a gallant race, and one more of those brave men who have sustained and increased the military fame of Fermanagh.
