[-15-] So Antony and Cleopatra, who had been the authors of many evils to the Egyptians and to the Romans, thus fought and thus met death. They were embalmed in the same fashion and buried in the same tomb. Their spiritual qualities and the fortunes of their lives deserve a word of comment.
Antony had no superior in comprehending his duty, yet he committed many acts of folly. He was distinguished for his bravery in some cases, yet he often failed through cowardice. He was characterized equally by greatness of soul and a servile disposition of mind. He would plunder the property of others, and still relinquish his own. He pitied many without cause and chastised even a greater number unjustly.
Consequently, though he rose from weakness to great strength, and from the depths of poverty to great riches, he drew no profit from either circumstance, but whereas he had hoped to hold the Roman power alone, he actually killed himself.
Cleopatra was of insatiable passion and insatiable avarice, was ambitious for renown, and most scornfully bold. By the influence of love she won dominion over the Egyptians, and hoped to attain a similar position over the Romans, but being disappointed of this she destroyed herself also. She captivated two of the men who were the greatest Romans of her day, and because of the third she committed suicide.
Such were these two persons, and in this way did they pass from the scene. Of their children Antyllus was slain immediately, though he was betrothed to the daughter of Caesar, and had taken refuge in his father's hero-shrine which Cleopatra had built. Caesarion was fleeing to Ethiopia, but was overtaken on the road and murdered. Cleopatra was married to Juba the son of Juba. To this man, who had been brought up in Italy and had been with him on campaigns, Caesar gave the maid and her ancestral kingdom, and he granted them the lives of Alexander and Ptolemy. To his nieces, children of Antony by Octavia and reared by her, he assigned money from their father's estate. He also ordered his freedmen to give at once to Iullus, the child of Antony and Fulvia, everything which by law they were obliged to bequeath him at their death. [-16-] As for the rest who had until then been connected with Antony's cause, he punished some and released others, either from personal motives or to oblige his friends. And since there were found at the court many children of potentates and kings who were being supported, some as hostages and others for the display of wanton power, he sent some back to their homes, joined others in marriage with one another, and kept possession of still others. I shall omit most of these cases and mention only two. He freely restored Iotape to the Median king, who had found an asylum with him after the defeat, but refused the request of Artaxes that his brothers be sent him, because this prince had put to death the Romans left behind in Armenia. This was the disposition he made of such captives.
The Egyptians and Alexandrians were all spared, and Caesar did not injure one of them. The truth was that he did not see fit to visit any extreme vengeance upon so great a people, who might prove very useful to the Romans in many ways. He nevertheless offered the pretext that he wished to please their god Serapis, Alexander their founder, and, third, Areus a citizen, who was a philosopher and enjoyed his society. The speech in which he proclaimed to them his pardon he spoke in Greek, so that they might understand him. After this he viewed the body of Alexander and also touched it, at which a piece of the nose, it is said, was crushed. But he would not go to see the remains of the Ptolemies, though the Alexandrians were extremely anxious to show them, for he said: "I wanted to see a king, and not corpses." For the same reason he would not enter the presence of Apis, declaring that he was "accustomed to worship gods and not cattle." [-17-] Soon after he made Egypt tributary and gave it in charge of Cornelius Gallus. In view of the populousness of both cities and country, and the facile, fickle character of the inhabitants, and the importance of grain supplies and revenue, so far from daring to entrust the land to any senator he would not even grant one permission to live in it, unless he made the concession to some one nominatim. On the other hand, he did not allow the Egyptians to be senators in Rome, but after considering individual cases on their merits he commanded the Alexandrians to conduct their government without senators; with such capacity for revolution did he credit them. And of the system then imposed upon them most details are rigorously preserved to the present day, but there are senators in Alexandria, beginning first under the emperor Severus, and they also may serve in Rome, having first been enrolled in the senate in the reign of his son Antoninus.
Thus was Egypt enslaved. All of the inhabitants who resisted were subdued after a time, as, indeed, Heaven very clearly indicated to them would occur. For it rained not only water, where previously no drop had ever fallen, but also blood. At the same time that this was falling from the clouds glimpses were caught of armor. Elsewhere there was the clashing of drums and cymbals and the notes of flutes and trumpets. A serpent of huge size was suddenly seen and gave a hiss incredibly loud. Meanwhile comet stars came frequently into view and ghosts of the dead took shape. The statues frowned: Apis bellowed a lament and shed tears. Such was the status of things in that respect.
In the palace quantities of money were found. Cleopatra had taken practically all the offerings from even the holiest shrines and so helped to swell the spoils of the Romans, while the latter on their own part incurred no defilement. Large sums were also obtained from every man under accusation. More than that, all the rest against whom no personal complaint could be brought had two-thirds of their property demanded of them. Out of this all the soldiers got what was still owing to them, and those who were with Caesar at that time secured in addition two hundred and fifty denarii apiece for not plundering the city. All was made good to those who had previously loaned anything, and to both senators and knights who had taken part in the war great sums were given. In fine, the Roman empire was enriched and its temples adorned.
[-18-] After attending to the matters before mentioned Caesar founded there also on the site of the battle a city and gave to it likewise a name and dedicatory games, as in the previous instance. In regard to the canals he cleared out some of them and dug others over again, and he also settled important questions. Then he went through Syria into the province of Asia and passed the winter there attending to the business of the subject nations in detail and likewise to that of the Parthians. There had been disputes among them and a certain Tiridates had risen against Phraates; as long as Antony's opposition lasted, even after the naval battle, Caesar had not only not attached himself to either side, though they sought his alliance, but made no other answer than that he would think it over. His excuse was that he was busy with Egypt, but in reality he wanted them meantime to exhaust themselves by fighting against each other. Now that Antony was dead and of the two combatants Tiridates, defeated, had taken refuge in Syria, and Phraates, victorious, had sent envoys, he negotiated with the latter in a friendly manner: and without promising to aid Tiridates, he allowed him to live in Syria. He received a son of Phraates as a mark of friendliness, and took the youth to Rome, where he kept him as a hostage.
[-19-] Meanwhile, and still earlier, the Romans at home had passed many resolutions respecting the victory at sea. They granted Caesar a triumph (over Cleopatra) and granted him an arch bearing a trophy at Brundusium, and another one in the Roman Forum. Moreover, the lower part of the Julian hero-shrine was to be adorned with the beaks of the captive ships and a festival every five years to be celebrated in his honor. There should be a thanksgiving on his birthday and on the anniversary of the announcement of the victory: when he entered the city the (vestal virgin) priestesses, the senate and the people, with their wives and children, were to meet him. It is quite superfluous to mention the prayers, the images, the privileges of front seats, and everything else of the sort. At the very first they both voted him these honors, and either tore down or erased the memorials that had lent Antony distinction. They declared the day on which the latter had been born accursed and forbade the employment of the surname Marcus by any one of his kin. His death was announced during a part of the year when Cicero, the son of Cicero, was consul; and on ascertaining this some believed it had come to pass not without divine direction, since the consul's father had owed his death chiefly to Antony. Then they voted to Caesar additional crowns and many thanksgivings, and granted him among other rights authority to conduct a triumph over the Egyptians also. For neither previously nor at that time did they mention by name Antony and the rest of the Romans who had been vanquished with him, and so imply that it was proper to hold a celebration over them. The day on which Alexandria was captured they declared fortunate and directed that for the years to come it should be taken as the starting-point of enumeration by the inhabitants of that town.72 Also Caesar was to hold the tribunician power for life, to have the right to defend such as called upon him for help both within the pomerium and outside to the distance of eight half-stadia (a privilege possessed by none of the tribunes), as also to judge appealed cases; and a vote of his, like the vote of Athena,73 was to be cast in all the courts. In the prayers in behalf of the people and the senate petitions should be offered for him alike by the priests and by the priestesses. They also ordered that at all banquets, not only public but private also, all should pour a libation to him. These were the resolutions passed at that time.
[B.C. 29 (a. u. 725)]
[-20-] When he was consul for the fifth time with Sextus Apuleius, they ratified all his acts by oath on the very first day of January. And when the letter came regarding the Parthians, they decreed that he should have a place in hymns along with the gods, that a tribe should be named "Julian" after him, that he should wear the triumphal crown during the progress of all the festivals, that the senators who had participated in his victory should take part in the procession wearing purple-bordered togas, and that the day on which he should enter the city should be glorified by sacrifices by the entire population and be held ever sacred. They further agreed that he might choose priests beyond the specified number, as many and as often as he should wish. This custom was handed down from that decision and the numbers have increased till they are boundless: hence I need go into no particulars about the multitude of such officials. Caesar accepted most of the honors (save only a few): but that all the population of the city should meet him he particularly requested might not occur. Yet he was pleased most of all and more than at all the other decrees by the fact that the senators closed the gates of Janus, implying that all their wars had ceased,—and took the "augury of health," 74 which had all this period been omitted for reasons I have mentioned. For there were still under arms the Treveri, who had brought the Celts to help them, the Cantabri, Vaccaei, and Astures. These last were subjugated by Statilius Taurus, and those first mentioned by Nonius Gallus. There were numerous other disturbances going on in the isolated districts. Since, however, nothing of importance resulted from any of them, the Romans of that time did not consider that war was in progress and I have nothing notable to record about them. Caesar meanwhile was giving his attention to various business, and granted permission that precincts dedicated to Rome and to Caesar his father,—calling him "the Julian hero,"—should be set apart in Ephesus and in Nicaea. These cities had at that time attained chief place in Asia and in Bithynia respectively. To these two divinities he ordered the Romans who dwelt near them to pay honor. He allowed the foreigners (under the name of "Hellenes") to establish a precinct to himself,—the Asians having theirs in Pergamum and the Bithynians theirs in Nicomedea. This custom, beginning with him, has continued in the case of other emperors, and imperial precincts have been hallowed not only among Hellenic nations but in all the rest which yield obedience to the Romans. In the capital itself and in the rest of Italy there is no one, however, no matter how great renown he has achieved, that has dared to do this. Still, even there, after their death, honors as to gods are bestowed upon those who have ruled uprightly, and hero-shrines are built.
[-21-] All this took place in the winter, during which the Pergamenians also received authority to celebrate the so-called "Sacred" contest in honor of his temple. In the course of the summer Caesar crossed over to Greece and on to Italy. Among the others who offered sacrifice, as has been mentioned, when he entered the City, was the consul Valerius Potitus. Caesar was consul all the year, as the two previous, but Potitus was the successor of Sextus. It was he who publicly and in person sacrificed oxen in behalf of the senate and of the people at Caesar's arrival, something that had never before been done in the case of any single man. After this his newly returned colleague praised and honored his lieutenants, as had been the custom. Among the many marks of favor by which Caesar distinguished Agrippa was the dark blue symbol75 of naval supremacy. To his soldiers also he made certain presents: to the people he distributed a hundred denarii each, first to those ranking as adults, and afterward to the children as a mark of his affection for his nephew Marcellus. Further let it be noted that he would not accept from the cities of Italy the gold to be used for the crowns. Moreover he paid everything which he himself owed to any one and, as has been said, he did not exact what the others were owing to him. All this caused the Romans to forget every unpleasantness, and they viewed his triumph with pleasure, quite as if the defeated parties had all been foreigners. So vast an amount of money circulated through all the city alike that the price of goods rose and loans which had previously been in demand at twelve per cent. were now made at one-third that rate. The celebration on the first day was in honor of the wars against the Pannonians and Dalmatians, Iapudia and adjoining territory, and a few Celts and Gauls. Graius Carrinas had subdued the Morini and some others who had risen against Roman dominion, and had repulsed the Suevi, who had crossed the Rhine to wage war. Therefore he too held a triumph, in spite of the fact that his father had been put to death by Sulla and he himself had once been prevented from holding office with the rest of his peers. Caesar also held one since the credit of this victory properly pertained to his position as imperator.
These were the celebrations on the first day. On the second came the commemoration of the naval victory at Actium; on the third that of the subjugation of Egypt. All the processions proved notable by reason of the spoils from this land,—so many had been gathered that they sufficed for all the occasions,—but this Egyptian celebration was especially costly and magnificent. Among other features a representation of Cleopatra upon the bed of death was carried by, so that in a way she too was seen with the other captives, and with Alexander, otherwise Helios, and Cleopatra, otherwise Selene, her children, and helped to grace the triumph. Behind them all Caesar came driving and did everything according to custom except that he allowed his fellow-consul and the other magistrates, contrary to custom, to follow him with the senators who had participated in the victory. It had been usual for such dignitaries to lead and for only the senators to follow.76
[-22-] After completing this, he dedicated the temple of Minerva, called also the Chalcidicum, and the Julian senate-house, which had been built in honor of his father.77 In it he set up the statue of Victory which is still in existence, probably signifying that it was from her that he had received his dominion. It belonged to the Tarentini, and had been brought from there to Rome, where it was placed in the senate-chamber and decked with the spoils of Egypt. The spoils were also employed at this time for adorning the Julian hero-shrine, when it was consecrated. Many of them were placed as offerings in it and others were dedicated to Capitoline Jupiter and Juno and Minerva, while all the votive gifts that were thought to have previously reposed there or were still reposing were now by decree taken down as defiled. Thus Cleopatra, although defeated and captured, was nevertheless glorified, because her adornments repose in our temples and she herself is seen in gold in the shrine of Venus.
At the consecration of the hero-shrine there were all sorts of contests, and the children of the nobles performed the Troy equestrian exercise. Men who were their peers also contended on chargers and pairs and three-horse teams. A certain Quintus Vitellius, a senator, fought as a gladiator. All kinds of wild beasts and kine were slain by the wholesale, among them a rhinoceros and a hippopotamus, then seen for the first time in Rome. Many have described the appearance of the hippo and it has been seen by many more. As for the rhinoceros, it is in most respects like an elephant, but has a projecting horn at the very tip of its nose and through this fact has received its name. Besides the introduction of these beasts Dacians and Suebi fought in throngs with each other. The latter are Celts, the former a species of Scythian. The Suebi, to be exact, dwell across the Rhine (though many cities elsewhere claim their name), and the Dacians on both sides of the Ister. Such of them, however, as live on this side of it and near the Triballic country are reckoned in with the district of Moesia and are called Moesi save among those who are in the very neighborhood. Such as are on the other side are called Dacians, and are either a branch of the Getae or Thracians belonging to the Dacian race that once inhabited Rhodope. Now these Dacians had before this time sent envoys to Caesar: but when they obtained none of their requests, they turned away to follow Antony. To him, however, they were of no great assistance, owing to disputes among themselves. Some were consequently captured and later set to fight the Suebi.
The whole spectacle lasted naturally a number of days. There was no intermission in spite of a sickness of Caesar's, but it was carried on in his absence, under the direction of others. During its course the senators on one day severally held banquets in the entrance to their homes. Of what moved them to this I have no knowledge, for it has not been recorded. Such was the progress of the events of those days.
[-23-] While Caesar was yet in his fourth consulship Statilius Taurus had both constructed at his own expense and dedicated with armed combat a hunting-theatre of stone on the Campus Martius. On this account he was permitted by the people to choose one of the praetors year after year. During this same period Marcus Crassus was sent into Macedonia and Greece and carried on war with the Dacians and Bastarnae. It has already been stated who the former were and how they had been made hostile. The Bastarnae are properly classed as Scythians and at this time had crossed the Ister and subdued the part of Moesia opposite them, then the Triballi who live near it, and the Dardani who inhabit the Triballian country. While they were so engaged they had no trouble with the Romans. But when they crossed the Haemus and overran the portion of Thrace belonging to the Dentheleti who had a compact with Rome, then Crassus, partly to defend Sitas king of the Dentheleti, who was blind, but chiefly because of fear for Macedonia, came out to meet them. By his mere approach, he threw them into a panic and drove them from the land without a conflict. Next he pursued them, as they were retiring homeward, gained possession of the district called Segetica, and invading Moesia damaged that territory. He made an assault upon a strong fortification, also, and though his advance line met with a rebuff,—the Moesians making a sally against it, because they thought these were all of the enemy,—still, when he came to the rescue with his whole remaining army he both cut his opponents down in open fight and annihilated them by an ambuscade.
[-24-] While he was thus engaged, the Bastarnae ceased their flight and remained near the Cedrus78 river to watch what would take place. When, after conquering the Moesians, the Roman general started against them, they sent envoys forbidding him to pursue them, since they had done the Romans no harm. Crassus detained them, saying he would give them their answer the following day, and besides treating them kindly he made them drunk, so that he learned all their plans. The whole Scythian race is insatiable in the use of wine and quickly succumbs to its influence. Crassus meanwhile, during the night, advanced to a wood, and after stationing scouts in front of the forest made his army stop there. Thereupon the Bastarnae, thinking the former were alone, made a charge upon them, following them up also when the men retreated into the dense forest, and many of the pursuers perished there as well as many others in the flight which followed were obstructed by their wagons, which were behind them, and owed their defeat further to their desire to save their wives and children. Their king Deldo was slam by Crassus himself. The armor stripped from the prince he would have dedicated as spolia opima to Jupiter Feretrius, had he been a general acting on his own authority. Such was the course of that engagement: of the remainder some took refuge in a grove, which was set on fire all around, and others leaped into a fort, where they were annihilated. Still others perished, either by being driven into the Ister or after being scattered through the country. Some survived even yet and occupied a strong post where Crassus besieged them in vain for several days. Then with the aid of Roles, king of some of the Getae, he destroyed them. Roles when he visited Caesar was treated as a friend and ally for this assistance: the captives were distributed to the soldiers.
[-25-] After accomplishing this Crassus turned his attention to the Moesians; and partly by persuading some of them, partly by scaring them, and partly by the application of force he subjugated all except a very few, though with labor and danger. Temporarily, owing to the winter, he retired into friendly territory after suffering greatly from the cold, and still more at the hands of the Thracians, through whose country, as friendly, he was returning. Hence he decided to be satisfied with what he had effected. For sacrifices and a triumph had been voted not only to Caesar but to him also, though, according at least to some accounts, he did not secure the title of imperator, but Caesar alone might apply it to himself. The Bastarnae, however, angry at their disasters, on learning that he would make no further campaigns against them turned again upon the Dentheleti and Sitas, whom they regarded as having been the chief cause of their evils. Then Crassus, though reluctantly, took the field and by forced marches fell upon them unexpectedly, conquered, and thereafter imposed such terms as he pleased. Now that he had once taken up arms again he conceived a desire to recompense the Thracians, who had harassed him during his retreat from Moesia; for news was brought at this time that they were fortifying positions and were spoiling for a fight. And he did subdue them, though not without effort, by conquering in battle the Merdi and the Serdi and cutting off the hands of the captives. He overran the rest of the country except the land of the Odrysae. These he spared because they are attached to the service of Dionysus, and had come to meet him on this occasion without arms. Also he granted them the piece of land in which they magnify the god, and took it away from the Bessi, who were occupying it.
[-26-] While he was so occupied he received a summons from Roles, who had become embroiled with Dapyx, himself also a king of the Getae. Crassus went to help him and by hurling the horse of his opponents back upon the infantry he thoroughly terrified the latter, so that he carried the battle no further but caused a great slaughter of the fugitives of both divisions. Next he cut off Dapyx, who had taken refuge in a fort, and besieged him. During the investment some one from the walls saluted him in Greek, and upon obtaining an audience arranged to betray the place. The barbarians caught in this way turned upon one another, and Dapyx was killed, besides many others. His brother, however, Crassus took alive and not only did him no harm, but released him.
At the close of this exploit he led his army against the cave called Keiri. The natives in great numbers had occupied this place, which is extremely large and so very strong that the tradition obtains that the Titans after the defeat administered to them by the gods took refuge there. Here the people had brought together all their flocks and their other principal valuables. Crassus after finding all its entrances, which are crooked and hard to search out, walled them up, and in this way subjugated the men by famine. Upon this success he did not keep his hands from the rest of the Getae, though they had nothing to do with Dapyx. He marched upon Genoucla, the most strongly defended fortress of the kingdom of Zuraxes, because he heard that the standards which the Bastarnae had taken from Gaius Antonius near the city of the Istriani were there. His assault was made both with the infantry and upon the Ister,—the city being near the water,—and in a short time, though with much labor in spite of the absence of Zuraxes, he took the place. The king as soon as he heard of the Roman's approach had set off with money to the Scythians to seek an alliance, and did not return in time.
This he did among the Getae. Some of the Moesians who had been subdued rose in revolt, and them he won back by the energy of others: [-27-] he himself led a campaign against the Artacii and a few other tribes who had never been captured and would not acknowledge his authority, priding themselves greatly on this point and imbuing the rest with both anger and a disposition to rebel. He brought them to terms partly by force, as they did but little, and partly by the fear which the capture of some inspired. This took a long time. I record the names, as the facts, according to the tradition which has been handed down. Anciently Moesians and Getae occupied all the land between the Haemus and the Ister. As time went on some of them changed their names to something else. Since then there have been included under the name of Moesia all the tribes which the Savus by emptying into the Ister north of Dalmatia, Macedonia and Thrace, separates from Pannonia. Two of the many nations found among them are the Triballi, once so named, and the Dardani, who have the same designation at present.