METHODIST EPISCOPAL CHURCHES
Mr. Breckinridge displayed great regard for the reputation of this body. He believed they were almost free from the sin of slaveholding – their discipline was most emphatic in its condemnation of it, and he defied me to show that any Methodist was engaged in the infernal practice of slave trading. First, as to the probable extent of slavery in the church. On this point I shall quote from a solemn and authenticated document issued by a number of ministers in the Methodist Episcopal body in New England, entitled: —
"An appeal on the subject of Slavery, addressed to the members of the New England and New Hampshire conferences of the Methodist Episcopal Church;" and signed by
SHIPLEY W. WILSON.ABRAM D. MERRILL.LA ROY SUNDERLAND.GEORGE STORRS.JARED PERKINS.
Boston, Dec. 19th, 1834.
In answer to the question —
"When will slavery cease from our church, if we continue to alter our rules against it as we have done for some years past?" they observe —
"But we will not dwell on this part of our subject; it is painful enough to think of; and as members of the Methodist Episcopal Church, and as Methodist preachers, we readily confess we are exceedingly afflicted with a view of it, and still more with a knowledge of the fact, that the "great evil" of slavery has been increasing, both among the membership and ministry of the Methodist Episcopal Church, at a fearful rate, for thirty or forty years past. The general minutes of our Annual Conferences, announce about 80,000 colored members in our church; and it is highly probable, from various reasons which might be named, that as many as sixty thousand, or upwards of these, are slaves; but what proportion of these and others, are enslaved by the Methodist members and Methodist preachers, we have no means of determining precisely; but the alterations which have been made in the discipline, show at once that the number is neither few nor small; and if this evil was a "great" one fifty years ago, what must it be now? What will it be fifty or a hundred years hence, should the discipline be ALTERED as it has been during half a century past? Who can tell where this "great" and growing "evil," will end? We frequently hear Christians and Christian ministers expressing the greatest fears for the safety of the "political" union of these United States, whenever the subject of slavery is mentioned; but no fears as to the prosperity and peace of the Christian church, though this "evil" be ever so "great," and though it be increased every day a thousand fold. But can it be supposed that any branch of the Christian church is in a healthy and prosperous state, while it slumbers and nurses in its bosom so great an evil."
In reply to the challenge to produce one instance of a slave trading Methodist, I give the following from "Zion's Watchman," a Methodist newspaper, published in New York. It is from a letter of a correspondent of that paper:
"A man came among us where I was preaching, a class-leader, from Georgia, having a regular certificate, who appeared to be very zealous, exhorting and praying in our meetings, &c. I thought I had got an excellent helper; but, on inquiring his business, I found he was a SLAVE TRADER: come on purpose to buy up men, women, and children, to drive to the South!!! I expostulated with him; but he said it was not thought wrong where he came from. I told him we could not countenance such a thing here, and that we could hold no fellowship with him." He farther told me that on inquiring of a slave he had with him, what sort of a master he was, he replied, "I have had four masters, but this is the most cruel of them all;" and told him, as a proof of it, to look at his back, which, said the minister, "was cut with a whip, from his head to his heels!!" The Rev. S. W. Wilson, of Andover, United States, gives also an extract of a letter he had seen from a gentleman of high standing, who was at the South at the time of writing, which says, "The South is too much interested in the continuance of slavery, to hear any thing upon the subject. The preachers of the gospel are in the same condemnation, and METHODIST PREACHERS ESPECIALLY. The principal reason why the Methodists in these regions are more numerous and popular than other denominations is, THEY STICK SO CLOSELY TO SLAVERY!! THEY DENOUNCE BOTH THE ABOLITIONISTS AND THE COLONIZATIONISTS."
To show the extent to which THE BAPTIST CHURCHES SHARE THE GUILT OF THE SYSTEM OF SLAVERY IN AMERICA, it will be sufficient to read an extract from a letter addressed to the Board of Baptist ministers in and near London, by the Rev. Lucius Bolles, D. D., the Corresponding Secretary of the American Baptist Board of Foreign Missions. The testimony is the stronger, because the whole letter is a carefully written apology for Southern religious slaveholders, and an attempt to silence the remonstrances of the English churches.
"There is a pleasing degree of union among the multiplying thousands of Baptists throughout the land. Brethren from all parts of the country meet in one General Convention and co-operate in sending the gospel to the heathen. Our Southern brethren are liberal and zealous in the promotion of every holy enterprize for the extension of the gospel. THEY ARE, GENERALLY, BOTH MINISTERS AND PEOPLE, SLAVE-HOLDERS."
In this connection, I may notice the recommendation of the work of Drs. Cox and Hoby. We are assured by Mr. Breckinridge, (though he confesses he has not read the book,) that every representation it contains relative to slavery among "the Baptists in America," may be relied on. That book, thus endorsed by Mr. B., informs us that the deputation were permitted to sit in the convention at Richmond, Virginia, only on condition of profound silence, touching the wrongs of more than two millions of heathenized slaves. We are gravely told that the introduction of abolition would have been "an INTRUSION, as RUDE as it would have been UNWELCOME." It would, says the Delegates, have "FRUSTRATED every object of our mission;" "awakened HOSTILITY, and kindled DISLIKE;" "roused into EMBITTERED ACTIVITY feelings between Christian brethren, which must have SEVERED the Baptist churches." It would have occasioned the "UTTER CONFUSION OF ALL ORDER, the RUIN of all Christian feeling," and "THE DESTRUCTION OF ALL LOVE AND FELLOWSHIP;" and the Convention would either have been "DISSOLVED" by "MAGISTERIAL INFLUENCE," or "THE DELEGATES WOULD HAVE DISSOLVED THEMSELVES." Yet this was "a sacred and heavenly meeting," in which "the kindliest emotions, the warmest affections, the loveliest spirit towards ourselves, (the Baptist Delegates,) towards England and mankind" existed! Oh, Sir, is it possible to draw a more affecting picture of the withering and corrupting influences of slavery, than is here presented to our view in this description of the triennial convention of Baptist ministers, assembled in the city of Richmond, Virginia, in the year 1835.
AMOS DRESSER'S CASE
I proceed to notice the case of Amos Dresser; the young man who was so inhumanly tortured by the citizens and professing Christians of the city of Nashville, Tennessee. I can assure my opponent, that the discrepancy in my statements which he has noticed, is an error in reporting. I am not aware of having ever stated the number of elders in the committee to be eleven. My statement of the case has always been simply this – that Mr. Dresser, a pious and respectable young man, was apprehended in Nashville, on suspicion of being an abolitionist; brought before a Vigilance Committee, and, according to "Lynch Law," was sentenced to receive twenty lashes with a cowskin, on his bare back. That he was so punished; and that upon the Committee were seven elders of the Presbyterian church, and one Campbellite minister. The whole case as narrated by Mr. Dresser, and published in the Cincinnati Gazette, is now before me. The Committee, by which Mr. Dresser was tried and sentenced, is called a "Committee of Vigilance and Safety."
The following are the names of the seven elders in the Presbyterian Church:
JOHN NICHOL,ALPHA KINGSLEY,A. A. CASSEDAY,WM. ARMSTRONG,SAMUEL SEAY,S. V. D. STOUT.S. C. ROBINSON.The name of the Campbellite Minister, THOMAS CLAIBORNE.
The Committee, after examining his books, papers, and private memoranda, and hearing his defence, found him guilty – 1st. "Of being a member of an Anti-Slavery Society in Ohio." 2d. "Of having in his possession periodicals published by the American Anti-Slavery Society." And 3d. "They BELIEVED he had circulated these periodicals, and advocated in the community the principles they inculcated." The Chairman, (says Mr. Dresser,) then pronounced that I was condemned to receive twenty lashes on my bare back, and ordered to leave the place in twenty-four hours. This was not an hour previous to the commencement of the Sabbath. Mr. Dresser gives the following account of the infliction of the sentence:
"I knelt to receive the punishment, which was inflicted by Mr. Braughton, the city officer, with a HEAVY COWSKIN. When the infliction ceased, an involuntary feeling of thanksgiving to God, for the fortitude with which I had been enabled to endure it, arose in my soul, to which I began aloud to give utterance. The death-like silence that prevailed for a moment, was suddenly broken, with loud exclamations, "G – d d – m him, stop his praying." I was raised to my feet by Mr. Braughton, and conducted by him to my lodging, where it was thought safe for me to remain but for a few moments.
"Among my triers, there was a great portion of the respectability of Nashville. Nearly half the whole number, professors of Christianity, the reputed stay of the church, supporters of the cause of benevolence in the form of tract and missionary societies and Sabbath schools, several members and most of the elders of the Presbyterian church, from whose hands, but a few days before, I had received the emblems of the broken body, and shed blood of our blessed Saviour." (!!!!)
Mr. Breckinridge has twice referred to the appearance of a runaway slave at my lectures in London, and has accused me of carrying him about with me, to enact interludes during my meeting. I can assure Mr. Breckinridge that I never had any thing to do with the attendance of Moses Roper at my meetings, or with the speeches he delivered. On neither of the occasions mentioned had I any knowledge of his being in the chapel until I found him among the rest of my auditors. As for denying the facts stated by him, knowing as I do the brutalizing effects of slavery, and the state of society in the slave States of America, it is out of the question. I see nothing in the facts stated by Moses Roper at all improbable. Since I last came to this city, I have read in an American newspaper, an account of an affair in Tennessee, at which the blood runs cold. A black man having committed some crime, was lodged in prison by the authorities, but being demanded by the citizens, was given up to them, tied to a tree, and BURNT ALIVE! During my residence in the United States, a negro was burnt alive, according to a sentence given by one of the constituted tribunals of the State! It was called an exemplary punishment, and many of the papers throughout the country were filled with long and learned articles, justifying the horrid outrage. Mr. Breckinridge may point to the laws and the constitution of the country, but I tell him they and the authorities appointed to enforce them are alike powerless. I point him to the atrocities of Lynch law all over the land; to the brutal massacre of the gamblers in Mississippi, where men in the broad daylight were dragged forth, and tied by the neck to branches of trees, their eyes starting from their sockets, and their wives driven across the river, in open boats; their lives threatened, for daring to ask for the dead bodies of their husbands. I ask if any law reached the fiends in human shape, who perpetrated these deeds. I ask Mr. Breckinridge if any law punished the felons of Charleston, who, seizing the public conveyances, violated the constitution, and the law of the State, by robbing the mail bags of their contents, and burning them? Did not the Post Master General encouragingly say, "I cannot sanction, but I will not condemn what you have done. In your circumstances I would have acted in a similar manner." Need I remind Mr. Breckinridge of the mobs at the North; the riots of New York; the sacking of Mr. Tappan's house, and the demolition of colored schools? Laws there may be, but while slavery exists, and is defended by public sentiment, and while the ferocious prejudice against color remains, they will want the "executory principle," without which they are but cruel mockery.
A glance at the moral and religious state of the slave population will show the amount of care and attention exercised by the Christian churches at the South.
What says the Rev. C. C. Jones, in a sermon preached before two associations of planters in Georgia, in 1831?
"Generally speaking, they (the slaves,) appear to us to be without God, and without hope in the world, a NATION OF HEATHEN in our very midst. We cannot cry out against the Papists for withholding the Scriptures from the common people, and keeping them in ignorance of the way of life, for we WITHHOLD the Bible from our servants, and keep them in ignorance of it, while we will not use the means to have it read and explained to them. The cry of our perishing servants comes up to us from the sultry plains as they bend at their toil; it comes up from their humble cottages when they return at evening to rest their weary limbs; it comes up to us from the midst of their ignorance, and superstition, and adultery, and lewdness. We have manifested no emotions of horror at abandoning the souls of our servants to the adversary, the roaring lion that walketh about seeking whom he may devour."
Again: what said the Synod of South Carolina and Georgia, in a report on the state of the colored population, in respect of religious instruction?
"Who would credit it, that in these years of revivals and benevolent effort, in this Christian Republic, there are over TWO MILLIONS of human beings in the condition of HEATHEN, and in some respects in a worse condition. From long continued and close observation, we believe that their moral and religious condition is such, that they may justly be considered the HEATHEN of this Christian country, and will bear comparison with heathen in any country of the world. The negroes are destitute of the gospel, and EVER WILL BE UNDER THE PRESENT STATE OF THINGS. In the vast field extending from an entire State beyond the Potomac, to the Sabine River, and from the Atlantic to the Ohio, there are to the best of our knowledge, not TWELVE men exclusively devoted to the religious instruction of the negroes. In the present state of feeling in the South, a ministry of their own color could neither be obtained NOR TOLERATED."
Again: what says a writer in a recent number of the Charleston, South Carolina, Observer?
"Let us establish missionaries among our negroes, who, in view of religious knowledge, are as debasingly ignorant as any one on the coast of Africa; for I hazard the assertion, that throughout the bounds of our Synod, there are at least one hundred thousand slaves, speaking the same language as ourselves, who never HEARD of the plan of salvation by a Redeemer."
A writer in the Western Luminary, a respectable religious paper in Lexington, Kentucky, says,
"I proclaim it abroad to the Christian world, that heathenism is as real in the slave States as it is in the South Sea Islands, and that our negroes are as justly objects of attention to the American and other Boards of Foreign Missions, as the Indians of the Western wilds. What is it constitutes heathenism? Is it to be destitute of a knowledge of God; of his holy word; never to have heard scarcely a sentence of it read through life; to know little or nothing of the history, character, instruction and mission of Jesus Christ; to be almost totally devoid of moral knowledge and feeling, of sentiments of probity, truth and chastity? If this constitutes heathenism, then are there thousands, millions, of heathen in our beloved land. There is one topic to which I will allude, which will serve to establish the heathenism of this population. I allude to the universal licentiousness which prevails. It may be said emphatically, that chastity is no virtue among them; that its violation neither injures female character in their own estimation, or that of their master or mistress. No instruction is ever given; no censure pronounced. I speak not of the world; I speak of Christian families generally."
Again: I give the words of the son of a Kentucky slaveholder, who became an abolitionist at Lane Seminary, and has since induced his father to emancipate his slaves. Hear James A. Thome.
"Licentiousness. I shall not speak of the far South, whose sons are fast melting away under the UNBLUSHING PROFLIGACY which prevails. I allude to the slaveholding West. It is well known that the slave lodgings, I refer now to village slaves, are exposed to the entrance of strangers every hour of the night, and that the SLEEPING APARTMENTS OF BOTH SEXES ARE COMMON.
"It is also a fact, that there is no allowed intercourse between the families and servants, after the work of the day is over. The family, assembled for the evening, enjoy a conversation elevating and instructive. But the poor slaves are thrust out. No ties of sacred home thrown around them; no moral instruction to compensate for the toils of the day; no intercourse as of man with man; and should one of the younger members of the family, led by curiosity, steal out into the filthy kitchen, the child is speedily called back, thinking itself happy if it escape an angry rebuke. Why is this? The dread of moral contamination. Most excellent reason; but it reveals a horrid picture. THE SLAVE CUT OFF FROM ALL COMMUNITY OF FEELING WITH THEIR MASTER, ROAM OVER THE VILLAGE STREETS, SHOCKING THE EAR WITH THEIR VULGAR JESTINGS, AND VOLUPTUOUS SONGS, OR OPENING THEIR KITCHENS TO THE RECEPTION OF THE NEIGHBORING BLACKS, THEY PASS THE EVENING IN GAMBLING, DANCING, DRINKING, AND THE MOST OBSCENE CONVERSATION, KEPT UP UNTIL THE NIGHT IS FAR SPENT, THEN CROWN THE SCENE WITH INDISCRIMINATE DEBAUCHERY. WHERE DO THESE THINGS OCCUR? IN THE KITCHENS OF CHURCH MEMBERS AND ELDERS!
I shall now take the liberty of reading two letters from highly respectable gentlemen in the South, to friends in New England. The first is from a clergyman in North Carolina, to one of the Professors in Bowdoin College, Maine.
"You remember that when I was with you last summer, I was much opposed to the Anti-Slavery Society, and contended that the colonization scheme was a full, and the only remedy, for the evils of slavery, and that I made a sort of talk before the students on the subject of slavery. It was a poor talk, for it was a miserable theme. I do not think what I said had any effect against the Anti-Slavery people, or at all strengthened the cause of the Colonization Society. Be this as it may, I feel it a duty I owe both to myself and to the friends I have with you, to say, that my views and feelings, which were then wavering, have since, after mature deliberation and much prayer, been entirely changed, and that I am now a strong Anti-Slavery man. Yes, after mature reflection, I am the sworn enemy of slavery in all its forms, with all its evils. Henceforth it is a part of my religion to oppose slavery. I am greatly surprised, that I should in any form have been the apologist of a system, so full of deadly poison to all holiness and benevolence as slavery, the concocted essence of fraud, selfishness, and cold-hearted tyranny, and the fruitful parent of unnumbered evils, both to the oppressor and the oppressed, the one thousandth part of which has never been brought to light.
"Do you ask, why this change, after residing in a slave country for twenty years. You recollect the lines of Pope, beginning,
'Vice is a monster of such frightful mein,
That to be hated, needs but to be seen.'
I had become so familiar with the loathsome features of slavery, that they ceased to offend; besides, I had become a Southern man in all my feelings, and it is a part of our creed to defend slavery. I had also considered it was impossible to free the slaves in this country. But it is unnecessary to investigate the ground of my former opinions. As to the Colonization Society, I have this among many objections that it has two faces, one for the North, and a very different one for the South. If the agents of the Colonization Society will come here and say what I heard them say in New York, I will insure them a good coat of tar and feathers for their labor. That Society has few friends here, a few large slaveholders who by it hope to send off the free people in their neighborhood, and a few others, whose consciences are not quite easy, get a salvo by advocating the Colonization Society. These last are many of them ministers. The mass of the people regard it as a Yankee plan, and hate it of course. I remember, among other things, I told the students in my address, that the only way to do away slavery was to give us more religion. This argument then seemed to be good. Send us preachers said I, and as religion spreads, slavery will melt away, it cannot stand the gospel. I did not reflect that the religion we have here, justifies and upholds slavery. Our religion does not permit the preacher to touch the subject. It is not the whole gospel. I have not yet seen the man who would venture to take for his text, 'Masters, give to your servants that which is just and equal.' If every man in the country was a professor of religion, the religion we have, it would not much help the cause. I think that I can safely say that as a general thing, the Presbyterians are by far the best masters, and give more attention to the religious instruction of their slaves than others, but I know one of these, an elder, who contends that slavery is no violation of the law, 'Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself,' and whose slaves are driven in the field with the long whip! But it is just to add, that they are not over-worked, and they are well fed and clothed. You are at liberty to inform the students, and others who heard me on that occasion, that I am now an anti-slavery man; but I do not wish the letter published with my name to it, as it would be copied by other papers, and find its way back, and do me injury, for no man is free, fully to express his thoughts in this country."
The next is from a merchant in St. Louis, Missouri, to a Clergyman in New Hampshire.
Saint Louis, Jan. 18, 1835.
Very Dear Brother.
I want to say a good deal to you, Brother, on the subject, which seems to interest you much at this time. I am now, and was before I left Hartford, an abolitionist; and that too, from deep and thorough conviction that the eternal rule of right requires the immediate freedom of every bond-man in this and every other country. Since my residence in this slaveholding State, I have seen nothing which should tend to alter my previous sentiments on this subject, on the contrary much to confirm me in them. You, who reside in happy New England, can have but very faint conceptions of the blighting and corrupting influence of Slavery on a community. Although in Missouri we witness Slavery in its mildest form, yet it is enough to sicken the heart of benevolence to witness its effects on society generally, and its awfully demoralizing influence on the slaves themselves: being counted as property among the cattle and flocks of their possessors, (forgive the word,) their standard of morality and virtue is on a level (generally) with the beasts with which they are classed: and I am credibly informed that many emigrants from the slave states, who own plantations on the Missouri River, finding themselves disqualified by their former habits of indolence to compete with emigrants of another character in enterprize, turn their attention to the raising of slaves as they would cattle, to be sold to the Negro dealers to go down the river. What sort of standard of virtue, think you, will have place on such a plantation; and at what period in the history of our country will these degraded sons of Africa be christianized under existing circumstances.
The ungodly man who is a slaveholder, is well enough pleased with the efforts and views of the Colonization Society, because he can manage to throw off responsibility, and date far a-head the time when he shall be called upon to do right; but state to him the sentiments and principles of the abolitionists, and he at once begins to froth and rage – all the malignity of his nature is called into action – and why? He feels the pressure of responsibility, he acts very like an impenitent sinner, pricked with the truth, and like him, too, he either comes on the side of right, or is hardened into a stern opposer. It is gratifying to notice the gradual influence the abolition principles are obtaining over the hearts and consciences of every slaveholding community, especially over the hearts of Christian slaveholders. Many of them who have allowed the subject to have a place in their thoughts, are greatly agitated, and dare not sell or buy again for their peace-sake. But more of this another time."
I shall now lay before the meeting the sentiments of General George M'Duffie, Governor of the State of South Carolina; as contained in a message delivered by him to the two branches of the Legislature, towards the close of the last year. I charge these sentiments upon the State, 1st, because the representatives of its citizens, in a series of resolutions presented to the Governor, unanimously expressed their special approbation of them; and 2dly, because I am not aware that any protest has been entered against them by any part of the Christian community. Sentiments more atrocious were, perhaps, never penned.
The first extract, recommending legislation, has reference to the diffusion of Anti-Slavery publications.
"IT IS MY DELIBERATE OPINION THAT THE LAWS OF EVERY COMMUNITY SHOULD PUNISH THIS SPECIES OF INTERFERENCE BY DEATH WITHOUT BENEFIT OF CLERGY, REGARDING THE AUTHORS OF IT AS ENEMIES TO THE HUMAN RACE. Nothing could be more appropriate than for South Carolina to set the example in the present crisis, and I trust the Legislature will not adjourn till it discharges this high duty of patriotism."
Let us look at the theological views of this profound Statesman on the subject of Slavery.
NO HUMAN INSTITUTION, IN MY OPINION, IS MORE MANIFESTLY CONSISTENT WITH THE WILL OF GOD, THAN DOMESTIC SLAVERY, and no one of his ordinances is written in more legible characters than that which consigns the African Race to this condition AS MORE CONDUCIVE TO THEIR OWN HAPPINESS, THAN ANY OTHER OF WHICH THEY ARE SUSCEPTIBLE. Whether we consult the sacred Scriptures or the lights of nature and reason, we shall find these truths as abundantly apparent as if written with a sun-beam in the heavens. Under both the Jewish and Christian dispensations of our religion, DOMESTIC SLAVERY existed with the unequivocal sanction of its prophets, its apostles, and finally its great Author. The patriarchs themselves, those chosen instruments of God, were slaveholders. In fact the divine sanction of this institution is so plainly written that "he who runs may read" it, and those over-righteous pretenders and pharisees, who affect to be scandalized by its existence among us, would do well to inquire how much more nearly they walk in the way of godliness, than did Abraham, Isaac and Jacob. That the African negro is DESTINED BY PROVIDENCE TO OCCUPY THIS CONDITION OF SERVILE DEPENDENCE, is not less manifest. It is marked on the face, stamped on the skin, and evinced by the intellectual inferiority, and natural improvidence of his race. THEY HAVE ALL THE QUALITIES THAT FIT THEM FOR SLAVES, AND NOT ONE OF THOSE THAT WOULD FIT THEM TO BE FREEMEN, they are utterly unqualified not only for rational freedom, but for self-government of any kind. They are in all respects physical, moral and political, inferior to millions of the human race, who have for consecutive ages dragged out a wretched existence under a grinding political despotism, and who are doomed to this hopeless condition by the very qualities which unfit them for a better. It is utterly astonishing that any enlighted American, after contemplating all the manifold forms in which even the white race of mankind are doomed to slavery and oppression, should suppose it possible to reclaim the Africans from their destiny. THE CAPACITY TO ENJOY FREEDOM IS AN ATTRIBUTE NOT TO BE COMMUNICATED BY HUMAN POWER. IT IS AN ENDOWMENT OF GOD, AND ONE OF THE RAREST WHICH IT HAS PLEASED HIS INSCRUTABLE WISDOM TO BESTOW UPON THE NATIONS OF THE EARTH. IT IS CONFERRED AS THE REWARD OF MERIT, and only upon those who are qualified to enjoy it. Until the "Ethiopian can change his skin," it will he vain to attempt, by any human power, to make freemen of those whom God has doomed to be slaves, by all their attributes.
Let not, therefore, the misguided and designing intermeddlers who seek to destroy our peace, imagining that they are serving the cause of God by practically arraigning the decrees of his Providence. Indeed it would scarcely excite surprise, if with the impious audacity of those who projected the tower of Babel, they should attempt to scale the battlements of Heaven, and remonstrate with the God of wisdom for having put THE MARK OF CAIN AND THE CURSE OF HAM upon the African race instead of the European.
The Governor then proceeds to give his views on the political bearings of the question, and thus sums them up: —
"DOMESTIC SLAVERY, THEREFORE, INSTEAD OF BEING A POLITICAL EVIL, IS THE CORNER STONE OF OUR REPUBLICAN EDIFICE. No patriot who justly estimates our privileges, will tolerate the idea of emancipation, at any period however remote, or on any conditions of pecuniary advantage, however favorable. I would as soon think of opening a negotiation for selling the liberty of the State at once, as for making any stipulations for the ultimate emancipation of our slaves. So deep is my conviction on this subject, that if I were doomed to die immediately after recording these sentiments, I could say in all sincerity, and under all the sanctions of Christianity and patriotism, God forbid that my descendants, in the remotest generations, should live in any other than a community having the institution of DOMESTIC SLAVERY."
The conduct of the clergy of South Carolina, may be inferred from the following account of a great pro-slavery meeting, held in the city of Charleston, to denounce in the most malignant spirit, the abolitionists of the North: