Loe raamatut: «The Works of Samuel Johnson, LL.D. Volume 10»
PREFATORY OBSERVATIONS TO THE PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES
The government of this country has long and justly been considered the best among the nations of Europe; and the English people have ever evinced a proportionate desire for information in its proceedings. But in the earlier days of our constitution, we shall find that much jealousy on the part of our rulers debarred the people from access to the national deliberations. Queen Elizabeth, with a sagacity that derived no assurance from the precedents of former times, foresaw the mighty power of the press, as an engine applied to state purposes, and accordingly aroused the spirit of her subjects, by causing the first gazettes to be published in the year of the armada [Footnote: See sir J. Mackintosh's Defence in the Peltier case.]: and D'Ewes's journals of her parliaments contain the earliest reports of parliamentary debates.
The first volume of the commons' journals comprises the debates from the accession of James the first, to the cessation of parliaments under Charles the first. The publication, in 1766, of a member's notes, furnished authentic debates of the session in 1621. Rushworth, in his voluminous collections, presents us with many of the debates during the civil wars. Gray's more regular debates succeeded. From these, until the times that followed the glorious revolution in 1688, we have no reports of parliamentary proceedings, interesting as they must have been, on which we can place any more reliance, than on those of Dr. Johnson, which, we shall presently see, cannot pretend to the character of faithful reports, however deservedly eminent they are as eloquent and energetic compositions. But the revolution was not immediately followed by a liberal diffusion of parliamentary intelligence, for the newspapers of William's reign only give occasionally a detached speech. That sovereign scarcely allowed liberty of speech to the members of parliament themselves, and was fully as tyrannical in disposition as his predecessor on the throne; but, happily for the English nation, he was tied and bound by the strong fetters of law.
The stormy period that ensued on William's death, is somewhat illustrated by Boyer's POLITICAL STATE. The HISTORICAL REGISTERS which appeared on the accession of George the first, may be considered as more faithful depositories of political information than Boyer's partial publication. The spirited opposition to sir Robert Walpole excited an unprecedented anxiety in the nation to learn the internal proceedings of parliament. This wish on the part of constituents to know and scrutinize the conduct of their representatives, which to us appears so reasonable a claim, was regarded in a different light by our ancestors. But the frown of authority in the reign of George the second began to have less power to alarm a people whose minds were undergoing progressive illumination. A general desire was then loudly expressed for parliamentary information, which Cave sought to gratify by the insertion of the debates in the GENTLEMAN'S MAGAZINE. The jealousy of the houses, however, subjected that indefatigable man to the practices of stratagem for the accomplishment of his design. He held the office of inspector of franks in the postoffice, which brought him into contact with the officers of both houses of parliament, and afforded him frequent and ready access to many of the members. Cave, availing himself of this advantage, frequented the houses when any debate of public interest was expected, and, along with a friend, posted himself in the gallery of the house of commons, and in some retired station in that of the lords, where, unobserved, they took notes of the several speeches. These notes were afterwards arranged and expanded by Guthrie, the historian, then in the employment of Cave, and presented to the public, monthly, in the Gentleman's Magazine. They first appeared in July, 1736 [Footnote: Gent. Mag. vol. vi.], and were perused with the greatest eagerness. But it was soon intimated to Cave, that the speaker was offended with this freedom, which he regarded in the light of a breach of privilege, and would subject Cave, unless he desisted, to parliamentary censure, or perhaps punishment. To escape this, and likewise to avoid an abridgment of his magazine, Cave had recourse to the following artifice. He opened his magazine for June, 1738, with an article entitled, "Debates in the senate of Magna Lilliputia;" in which he artfully deplores the prohibition that forbids him to present his readers with the consultations of their own representatives, and expresses a hope that they will accept, as a substitute, those of that country which Gulliver had so lately rendered illustrious, and which untimely death had prevented that enterprising traveller from publishing himself. Under this fiction he continued to publish the debates of the British parliament, hiding the names of persons and places by the transposition of letters, in the way of anagram. These he contrived to explain to his readers, by annexing to his volume for 1738, feigned proposals for printing a work, to be called Anagrammata Rediviva. This list, and others from different years, we give in the present edition, though we have rejected the barbarous jargon from the speeches themselves. A contemporary publication, the LONDON MAGAZINE, feigned to give the debates of the Roman senate, and adapted Roman titles to the several speakers. This expedient, as well as Cave's contrivance, sufficed to protect its ingenious authors from parliamentary resentment; as the resolution of the commons was never enforced.
The debates contained in the following volumes, commence with the 19th November, 1740, and terminate with the 23d February, 1742-3. The animated attempts that were made to remove sir Robert Walpole from administration, seemed, in Cave's opinion, to call for an abler reporter than Guthrie. Johnson was selected for the task; and his execution of it may well justify the admiration which we have so often avowed for those wonderful powers of mind, which, apparently, bade defiance to all impediments of external fortune.
He was only thirty-two years of age, little acquainted with the world; had never, perhaps, been in either house, and certainly had never conversed with the men whose style and sentiments he took upon himself to imitate. But so well and skilfully did he assume, not merely the sedate and stately dignity of the lords, and the undaunted freedom of the commons, but also the tone of the respective parties, that the public imagined they recognised the individual manner of the different speakers. Voltaire, and other foreigners of distinction, compared British with Greek and Roman eloquence; and ludicrous instances are detailed by Johnson's biographers, of praises awarded to Pulteney or to Pitt, in the presence of the unsuspected author of the orations which had excited such regard [Footnote: See Boswell, and sir John Hawkins.]! For Johnson confessed, that he composed many of the speeches entirely from his own imagination, and all of them from very scanty materials.
This confession he undoubtedly made from his love of truth, and not for the gratification of vanity. When he heard that Smollett was preparing his History of England, he warned him against relying on the debates as authentic; and, on his death-bed, he professed that the recollection of having been engaged in an imposture was painful to him. That this was a refined scrupulosity the most rigid moralist must allow; but, nevertheless, it is matter for congratulation, that the liberality of parliament no longer subjects its reporters to the subterfuges which we have thus briefly attempted to describe. And a comparison of this age and its privileges with the restrictions of former times, may not be without its use, if, by reminding us that we were not always free, it teaches us political contentment, suggests to us the policy of moderation, and enables us to love liberty, and yet be wise.
OXFORD, NOVEMBER, 1825
The List of fictitious Terms used by Cave to disguise the real Names that occur in his Debates.
Abingdon, Ld. … Adonbing or Plefdrahn
Ambrose, Captain … Ambreso
Archer … Arech
Argyle, Duke of … Agryl
Arthur … Aruth
Anne … Nuna
Aston … Anots
Aylesford, Lord … Alysfrop
Baltimore, Lord … Blatirome
Barnard, Sir John … Branard
Barrington … Birrongtan
Bath, Earl of … Baht
Bathurst, Lord … Brustath
Bedford, Duke of … Befdort
Berkeley, Lord … Berelky
Bishop … Flamen
Bladen, Mr. … Bledna
Bootle, Mr. … Butul
Bowles, Mr. … Bewlos
Bristol, Lord … Broslit
Bromley, Mr. … Bormlye
Brown, Mr. … Brewon or Buron
Burleigh … Bruleigh
Burrell, Mr. … Berrull
Campbell … Campobell
Carew, Mr. … Cawar
Carlisle, Earl of … Carsilel
Carteret, Lord … Quadrert
Castres, Mons … Cahstrehs
Cavendish … Candevish
Charles … Chorlo
Chesterfield, Earl of … Castroflet
Cholmondeley, Earl of … Sholmlug
Churchill … Chillchurch
Clutterbuck, Mr. … Cluckerbutt
Cocks … Cosck
Coke, Mr. … Quoke
Cooke … Coeko
Cooper, Mr. … Quepur
Corbet, Mr. … Croteb
Cornwall, Mr. … Carnwoll
Cromwell … Clewmro
Danes … Danians
Danvers … Dranevs
Delawarr, Lord … Devarlar
Devonshire, Duke of … Dovenshire
Digby … Dibgy
Drake, Mr. … Dekra
Earle, Mr. … Eral
Edmund … Emdond
Edward … Eddraw
Elizabeth … Ezila
Erskine, Mr. … Eserkin
Eugene, Prince … Eunege
Falconberg, Lord … Flacnobrug
Falkland … Flakland
Fanshaw, Mr. … Fashnaw
Fazakerly … Fakazerly
Fenwick, Mr. … Finweck
Ferrol … Ferlor
Fox, Mr. … Feaux
Francis … Farncis or Friscan
Gage, Lord … Gega
George … Gorgenti
Gibbon, Mr. … Gibnob
Gloucester, Duke of … Glustre
Godolphin, Lord … Golphindo
Gore … Gero
Gower, Lord … Gewor
Grenville, Mr. … Grevillen
Gybbon, Mr. … Gybnob
Halifax, Lord … Haxilaf
Haddock, Admiral … Hockadd
Handasyd, Mr. … Hasandyd
Harding, Mr. … Hadringe
Hardwick, Lord … Hickrad
Harrington … Hargrinton
Hay, Mr. … Heagh
Heathcote … Whethtoc
Henry … Hynrec
Herbert … Hertreb
Hervey, Lord … Heryef
Hessian … Hyessean
Hind Cotton … Whind Cotnot
Hindford … Honfryd
Hinton … Hwenton
Hobart … Hobrat
Holdernesse, Lord … Hodrelness
Hooper … Horeop
Hosier, Admiral … Hozeri
Howe … Hewo
Islay, Lord … Yasli
Isham … Ishma
Ilchester … Itchletser
James … Jacomo
Jekyl … Jelyco
Jenkins … Jenkino
John … Juan
Joseph … Josippo
Keene, Mr. … Knee
Ledbury, Mr. … Lebdury
Lindsay … Lisnayd
Litchneld … Liftchield
Lockwood … Lodowock
Lombe … Lebom
Lonsdale, Lord … Lodsneal
Lovel … Levol
Lymerick, Lord … Lyromick
Lyttleton … Lettyltno
Marlborough, Duke of … Maurolburgh
Malton, Lord … Matlon
Manley … Manly
Mary … Marya
Montrose, Duke of … Morontosse
Mordaunt … Madrount
Morton … Motron
Newcastle, Duke of … Nardac secretary
Noel … Neol
Norris, Admiral … Nisror
Nugent … Netgun
Ogle, Admiral … Oleg
Onslow … Olswon
Orange … Organe
Ord, Mr. … Whord
Orford, Earl of … Orfrod
Orleans … Olreans
Ormond, Duke of … Omrond
Oxford, Earl of … Odfrox
Oxenden … Odnexen
Paxton … Pantox
Pelham, Mr. … Plemahm
Perry … Peerur
Peterborough … Petraborauch
Pitt, Mr. … Ptit
Plumer, Mr. … Plurom
Polwarth … Polgarth
Portland, Duke of … Poldrand
Powlett … Powltet or Pletow
Pretender … Rednetrep
Puffendorf … Pudenfforf
Pulteney … Pulnub
Quarendon … Quenardon
Rainsford … Rainsfrod
Ramelies … Ramles
Raymond … Ramonyd
Robert … Retrob
Rochester … Roffen
Saint Aubyn … St. Aybun
Salisbury … Sumra
Samuel … Salvem
Sandwich, Earl of … Swandich
Sandys, Mr. … Snadsy
Scarborough, Lord … Sarkbrugh
Scroop, Mr. … Screop
Sidney, Lord … Sedyin
Selwin, Mr. … Slenwy
Shaftsbury, Lord … Shyftasbrug
Shippen, Mr. … Skeiphen
Sloper … Slerop
Somers … Sosrem
Somerset … Sosermet
Southwell … Suthewoll
Strafford … Stordraff
Stair … Stari
Stanislaus … Stasinlaus
Sundon … Snodun
Talbot … Toblat
Thomas … Tsahom
Thomson, Mr. … Thosmon
Tracey … Tryace
Trenchard … Trachnerd
Trevor, Mr. … Tervor
Turner … Truron
Tweedale, Marquis of … Tewelade
Tyrconnel, Lord … Trinocleng
Vernon, Admiral … Venron
Vyner, Mr. … Vynre or Venry
Wade … Weda
Wager, Admiral … Werga
Wakefield … Wafekeild
Waller, Mr. … Welral
Walpole, Sir Robert … Walelop
Walpole, Mr. … Walelop
Walter, Mr. … Gusbret
Watkins, Mr. … Waknits
Wendover … Wednevro
Westmoreland … Westromland
William … Wimgul
Willimot, Mr. … Guillitom
Winchelsea, Lord … Wichensale
Winnington, Mr. … Wintinnong
Wortley, Mr. … Wolresyt or Werotyl
Wyndham … Gumdahm
Wynn … Ooyn
Yonge … Yegon
The List of fictitious Characters used by Cave to disguise the Places that occur in his Debates.
Almanza … Almanaz
America … Columbia
Amsterdam … Amstredam
Aschaffenburg … Aschafnefburg
Austria … Aurista
Barbadoes … Bardosba
Barcelona … Bracolena
Brittany … Brateney
Bavaria … Baravia
Blenheim … Blehneim or Blenhem
Bourbon … Buorbon
Brandenburg … Brangburden
Bristol … Broslit
Britain … Lilliput
Cadiz … Cazid
Cambridge … Guntar
Campechy … Capemchy
Carolina … Carolana
Carthagena … Carthanega
Cologne … Colgone
Commons … Clinabs
Connecticut … Contecticnu
Cressy … Cerlsy
Cuba … Cabu
Denmark … Dancram
Dettingen … Detteneg
Dunkirk … Donkirk
Dutch … Belgians
Edinburgh … Edina
Europe … Degulia
Flanders … Flandria
France … Blefuscu
Georgia … Gorgentia
Germany … Allemanu
Gibraltar … Grablitra
Guastalla … Gua Stalla
Guernsey … Guensrey
Hanover … Hanevro
Haversham … Havremarsh
Hesse Cassel … Hyesse Clessa
Hispaniola … Iberionola
Holland … Belgia
Hungary … Hungruland
India … Idnia
Ireland … Ierne
Italy … Itlascu
Jamaica … Zamengol
Jucatan … Jutacan
Leghorn … Lehgron
London … Mildendo
Madrid … Mardit
Malplaquet … Malpalquet
Mardyke … Mardryke
Martinico … Marnitico
Mediterranean … Middle Sea
Minorca … Minocra
Munster … Munstru
Muscovy … Mausqueeta
New York … Noveborac
Orkney … Orkyen
Orleans … Olreans
Ostend … Odsten
Parma … Par Ma
Pennsylvania … Pennvasilia
Poland … Poldrand
Portugal … Lusitania
Port Mahon … Port Mohan
Prussia … Parushy
Prague … Praga
Sardinia … Sadrinia
Schellembourg … Schemelbourg
Seville … Sebfule
Sicily … Cilisy
South Sea … Pacific Ocean
Spain … Iberia
Straits … Narrow Seas
Sweden … Swecte
Turkey … Korambec
Utrecht … Ultralt
Vienna … Vinena
Virginia … Vegrinia
Westminster … Belfaborac
Wolfenbuttle … Wobentuffle
The List of fictitious Characters used by Cave to disguise the Names of Things that occur in his Debates.
Admiral … Galbet
Baronet … Hurgolen
Commons … Clinabs
Duke … Nardac
Earl … Cosern
Esquire … Urg
Gentleman … Urgolen
High Heels or Tory … Tramecsan
Knight … Hurgolet
Legal … Snilpal
Lord … Hurgo
Penny … a Grull
Popery … Missalsm
Prophet … Lustrug
Sprug … a Pound
Squire … Urg
Viscount … Comvic
Years … Moons
REFERENCES TO THE SPEAKERS
Abingdon, Lord,
Archer, Mr. Hy.
Argyle, Duke of,
Attorney General,
Bathurst, Mr.
Baltimore, Lord,
Barnard, Sir John,
Barrington, Mr.
Bedford, Duke of,
Bladen, Mr.
Bowles, Mr.
Brown, Mr.
Burrel, Mr.
Campbell, Mr.
Carew, Mr.
Carlisle, Lord,
Carteret, Lord,
Cholmondeley, Lord,
Clutterbuck, Mr.
Cocks, Mr.
Cornwall, Capt.
Cornwall, Mr.
Cotton, Sir Hind,
Devonshire, Duke of,
Digby, Mr.
Earle, Mr.
Fazakerly, Mr.
Fox, Mr.
Gage, Lord,
Gore, Mr.
Gore, Mr.
Gower, Lord,
Gybbon, Mr.
Halifax, Lord,
Hardwick, Lord,
Harrington, Lord,
Hay, Mr.
Hervey, Lord,
Howe, Mr.
Littleton, Mr.
Lockwood, Mr.
Lord Chancellor,
Lovel, Lord,
Marlborough, Duke of,
Mordaunt, Col.
Newcastle, Duke of,
Norris, Admiral,
Onslow, Mr.
Ord, Mr.
Pelham, Mr.
Pitt, Mr.
Pulteney, Mr.
Quarendon, Lord,
Salisbury, Bishop of,
Sandys, Mr.
Shippen, Mr.
Sloper, Mr.
Southwell, Mr.
Talbot, Lord,
Thompson, Lord,
Tracey, Mr.
Tyrconnel,
Vyner, Mr.
Wade, General,
Wager, Sir Charles,
Waller, Mr.
Walpole, Sir Robert,
Walpole, Mr.
Westmoreland, Lord,
Willimot, Mr.
Winnington, Mr.
Yonge, Sir Wm.
DEBATES IN PARLIAMENT
HOUSE OF COMMONS, NOVEMBER 19, 1740
PROCEEDINGS AND DEBATE, WITH REGARD TO THE BILL
FOR PROHIBITING THE EXPORTATION OF CORN, ETC
On the first day of the session, his majesty, in his speech from the throne, recommended to parliament to consider of some good law to prevent the growing mischief of the exportation of corn to foreign countries.
On the fourth day, a bill for preventing, for a limited time, the exportation, etc, was read a first time in the house of commons, and the question put, whether it should be printed, which passed in the negative.
This day the agent for the colonies of Pennsylvania and New Jersey, presented a petition against the said corn bill, which was referred to the committee.
Another petition was also presented by the agent for the colony of Connecticut, in New England, setting forth that the chief trade of that colony arose from supplying other British colonies with corn, so that unless that colony be excepted from the restraints intended by this bill, both that and those which are supplied by it will be reduced to great distress, and praying, therefore, that such exception may be allowed.
The allegations in this petition were confirmed by another, from one of the provinces supplied by the colony of Connecticut.
Another petition was presented by the agent for South Carolina, setting forth, that unless the rice produced in that province were allowed to be exported, the colony must be ruined by the irretrievable loss of their whole trade, as the countries now supplied from thence might easily procure rice from the French settlements, already too much their rivals in trade.
This petition was supported by another, offered at the same time by the merchants of Bristol.
A petition was likewise presented by the agent for the sugar islands, in which it was alleged, that if no provisions be imported thither from Britain, they must, in one month, suffer the extremities of famine.
All these petitions were referred to the committee for the bill.
A printed paper was also delivered to the members, entitled, 'considerations on the embargo,' which enumerated many dangerous consequences likely to be produced by an embargo on provisions, and suggested that it was no better than a wicked scheme for private profit, with other reflections, for which the paper was deemed a libel, and the author committed to prison.
The bill being read in the committee, produced the following memorable debate.
Mr. PULTNEY spoke to this effect:—Sir, after all the attention which has been bestowed upon the bill now before us, I cannot yet conceive it such as can benefit the nation, or such as will not produce far greater inconveniencies than those which it is intended to obviate, and therefore, as those inconveniencies may be prevented by other means, I cannot but declare that I am far from approving it.
Our ancestors, sir, have always thought it the great business of this house to watch against the encroachments of the prerogative, and to prevent an increase of the power of the minister; and the commons have always been considered as more faithful to their trust, and more properly the representatives of the people, in proportion as they have considered this great end with more attention, and prosecuted it with more invariable resolution. If we inquire into the different degrees of reputation, which the several assemblies of commons have obtained, and consider why some are remembered with reverence and gratitude, and others never mentioned but with detestation and contempt, we shall always find that their conduct, with regard to this single point, has produced their renown or their infamy. Those are always, by the general suffrage of mankind, applauded as the patterns of their country, who have struggled with the influence of the crown, and those condemned as traitors, who have either promoted it by unreasonable grants, or seen it increase by slow degrees, without resistance.
It has not, indeed, sir, been always the practice of ministers to make open demands of larger powers, and avow, without disguise, their designs of extending their authority; such proposals would, in former times, have produced no consequences but that of awakening the vigilance of the senate, of raising suspicions against all their proceedings, and of embarrassing the crown with petitions, addresses, and impeachments.
They were under a necessity, in those times, of promoting their schemes; those schemes which scarcely any ministry has forborne to adopt, by more secret and artful and silent methods, by methods of diverting the attention of the publick to other objects, and of making invisible approaches to the point in view, while they seemed to direct all their endeavours to different purposes.
But such, sir, have been the proofs of implicit confidence, which the administration has received from this assembly, that it is now common to demand unlimited powers, and to expect confidence without restriction, to require an immediate possession of our estates by a vote of credit, or the sole direction of our trade by an act for prohibiting, during their pleasure, the exportation of the produce of our lands.
Upon what instances of uncommon merit, of regard to the publick prosperity, unknown in former times, or of discernment superior to that of their most celebrated predecessors, the present ministers found their new claims to submission and to trust, I am, indeed, at a loss to discover; for, however mankind may have determined concerning the integrity of those by whom the late memorable convention was transacted, defended, and confirmed, I know not that their wisdom has yet appeared by any incontestable or manifest evidence, which may set their abilities above question, and fix their reputation for policy out of the reach of censure and inquiries.
The only act, sir, by which it can be discovered that they have any degree of penetration proportionate to their employments, is the embargo lately laid upon provisions in Ireland, by which our enemies have been timely hindered from furnishing themselves, from our dominions, with necessaries for their armies and their navies, and our fellow-subjects have been restrained from exposing themselves to the miseries of famine, by yielding to the temptation of present profit; a temptation generally so powerful as to prevail over any distant interest.
But as nothing is more contrary to my natural disposition, or more unworthy of a member of this house, than flattery, I cannot affirm that I ascribe this useful expedient wholly to the sagacity or the caution of the ministry, nor can I attribute all the happy effects produced by it to their benign solicitude for the publick welfare.
I am inclined to believe that this step was advised by those who were prompted to consider its importance by motives more prevalent than that of publick spirit, and that the desire of profit which has so often dictated pernicious measures, has, for once, produced, in return, an expedient just and beneficial; and it has, for once, luckily fallen out, that some of the friends of the administration have discovered that the publick interest was combined with their own.
It is highly probable, sir, that the contractors for supplying the navy with provisions, considering, with that acuteness which a quick sense of loss and gain always produces, how much the price of victuals would be raised by exportation, and, by consequence, how much of the advantage of their contracts would be diminished, suggested to the ministry the necessity of an embargo, and laid before them those arguments which their own observation and wisdom would never have discovered.
Thus, sir, the ministers, in that instance of their conduct, on which their political reputation must be founded, can claim, perhaps, no higher merit, than that of attending to superiour knowledge, of complying with good advice when it was offered, and of not resisting demonstration when it was laid before them.
But as I would never ascribe to one man the merit of another, I should be equally unwilling to detract from due commendations, and shall therefore freely admit, that not to reject good counsel, is a degree of wisdom, at which I could not expect that they by whom the convention was concluded would ever have arrived.
But whatever proficiency they may have made in the art of government since that celebrated period, however they may have increased their maxims of domestick policy, or improved their knowledge of foreign affairs, I cannot but confess myself still inclined to some degree of suspicion, nor can prevail upon myself to shut my eyes, and deliver up the publick and myself implicitly to their direction.
Their sagacity, sir, may, perhaps, of late, have received some improvements from longer experience, and with regard to their integrity, I believe, at least, that it is not much diminished; and yet I cannot forbear asserting the right of judging for myself, and of determining according to the evidence that shall be brought before me.
I have, hitherto, entertained an opinion that for this purpose only we are deputed by our constituents, who, if they had reposed no confidence in our care or abilities, would have given up, long since, the vexatious right of contesting for the choice of representatives. They would have furnished the ministry with general powers to act for them, and sat at ease with no other regard to publick measures, than might incite them to animate, with their applauses, the laudable endeavours of their profound, their diligent, and their magnanimous governours.
As I do not, therefore, check any suspicions in my own mind, I shall not easily be restrained from uttering them, because I know not how I shall benefit my country, or assist her counsels by silent meditations. I cannot, sir, but observe that the powers conferred by this bill upon the administration are larger than the nation can safely repose in any body of men, and with which no man who considers to what purposes they may be employed will think it convenient to invest the negotiators of the convention.
Nor do my objections to this act, arise wholly from my apprehensions of their conduct, who are intrusted with the execution of it, but from my reflections on the nature of trade, and the conduct of those nations who are most celebrated for commercial wisdom.
It is well known, sir, how difficult it is to turn trade back into its ancient channel, when it has by any means been diverted from it, and how often a profitable traffick has been lost for ever, by a short interruption, or temporary prohibition. The resentment of disappointed expectations inclines the buyer to seek another market, and the civility to which his new correspondents are incited by their own interest, detains him, till those by whom he was formerly supplied, having no longer any vent for their products or their wares, employ their labours on other manufactures, or cultivate their lands for other purposes.
Thus, sir, if those nations who have hitherto been supplied with corn from Britain, should find a method of purchasing it from Denmark, or any other of the northern regions, we may hereafter see our grain rotting in our storehouses, and be burdened with provisions which we can neither consume ourselves, nor sell to our neighbours.
The Hollanders, whose knowledge of the importance or skill in the arts of commerce will not be questioned, are so careful to preserve the inlets of gain from obstruction, that they make no scruple of supplying their enemies with their commodities, and have been known to sell at night those bullets which were next day to be discharged against them.
Whether their example, sir, deserves our imitation I am not able to determine, but it ought at least to be considered, whether their conduct was rational or not, and whether they did not, by a present evil, ensure an advantage which overbalanced it.
There are, doubtless, sir, sometimes such exigencies as require to be complied with at the hazard of future profit, but I am not certain that the scarcity which is feared or felt at present, is to be numbered amongst them; but, however formidable it may be thought, there is surely no need of a new law to provide against it: for it is one of those extraordinary incidents, on which the king has the right of exerting extraordinary powers. On occasions like this the prerogative has heretofore operated very effectually, and I know not that the law has ever restrained it.
It is, therefore, sir, in my opinion, most prudent to determine nothing in so dubious a question, and rather to act as the immediate occasion shall require, than prosecute any certain method of proceeding, or establish any precedent by an act of the senate.
To restrain that commerce by which the necessaries of life are distributed is a very bold experiment, and such as once produced an insurrection in the empire of the Turks, that terminated in the deposition of one of their monarchs.
I therefore willingly confess, sir, that I know not how to conclude: I am unwilling to deprive the nation of bread, or to supply our enemies with strength to be exerted against ourselves; but I am, on the other hand, afraid to restrain commerce, and to trust the authors of the convention.
Mr. PELHAM spoke next, to the following purport:—Sir, I am always in expectation of improvement and instruction when that gentleman engages in any discussion of national questions, on which he is equally qualified to judge by his great abilities and long experience, by that popularity which enables him to sound the sentiments of men of different interests, and that intelligence which extends his views to distant parts of the world; but, on this occasion, I have found my expectations frustrated, for he has inquired without making any discovery, and harangued without illustrating the question before us.
He has satisfied himself, sir, with declaring his suspicions, without condescending to tell us what designs or what dangers he apprehends. To fear, without being able to show the object of our terrours, is the last, the most despicable degree of cowardice; and to suspect, without knowing the foundation of our own suspicions, is surely a proof of a state of mind, which would not be applauded on common occasions, and such as no man but a patriot would venture to confess.
He has, indeed, sir, uttered some very ingenious conceits upon the late convention, has alluded to it with great luxuriancy of fancy, and elegance of diction, and must, at least, confess that whatever may be its effects upon the interest of the nation, it has to him been very beneficial, as it has supplied him with a subject of raillery when other topics began to fail him, and given opportunity for the exercise of that wit which began to languish, for want of employment.
