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The Golden Bough: A Study in Magic and Religion (Third Edition, Vol. 03 of 12)

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§ 3. Taboos on shewing the Face

Faces veiled to avert evil influences. Kings not to be seen by their subjects.

In some of the preceding cases the intention of eating and drinking in strict seclusion may perhaps be to hinder evil influences from entering the body rather than to prevent the escape of the soul. This certainly is the motive of some drinking customs observed by natives of the Congo region. Thus we are told of these people that “there is hardly a native who would dare to swallow a liquid without first conjuring the spirits. One of them rings a bell all the time he is drinking; another crouches down and places his left hand on the earth; another veils his head; another puts a stalk of grass or a leaf in his hair, or marks his forehead with a line of clay. This fetish custom assumes very varied forms. To explain them, the black is satisfied to say that they are an energetic mode of conjuring spirits.” In this part of the world a chief will commonly ring a bell at each draught of beer which he swallows, and at the same moment a lad stationed in front of him brandishes a spear “to keep at bay the spirits which might try to sneak into the old chief's body by the same road as the massanga (beer).”438 The same motive of warding off evil spirits probably explains the custom observed by some African sultans of veiling their faces. The Sultan of Darfur wraps up his face with a piece of white muslin, which goes round his head several times, covering his mouth and nose first, and then his forehead, so that only his eyes are visible. The same custom of veiling the face as a mark of sovereignty is said to be observed in other parts of central Africa.439 The Sultan of Wadai always speaks from behind a curtain; no one sees his face except his intimates and a few favoured persons.440 Similarly the Sultan of Bornu never shewed himself to his people and only spoke to them from behind a curtain.441 The king of Chonga, a town on the right bank of the Niger above Egga, may not be seen by his subjects nor by strangers. At an interview he sits in his palace concealed by a mat which hangs like a curtain, and from behind it he converses with his visitor.442 The Muysca Indians of Colombia had such a respect for their chiefs that they dared not lift their eyes on them, but always turned their backs when they had to address them. If a thief, after repeated punishments, proved incorrigible, they took him to the chief, and one of the nobles, turning the culprit round, said to him, “Since you think yourself so great a lord that you have the right to break the laws, you have the right to look at the chief.” From that moment the criminal was regarded as infamous. Nobody would have anything to do with him or even speak to him, and he died an outcast.443 Montezuma was revered by his subjects as a god, and he set so much store on their reverence that if on going out of the city he saw a man lift up his eyes on him, he had the rash gazer put to death. He generally lived in the retirement of his palace, seldom shewing himself. On the days when he went to visit his gardens, he was carried in a litter through a street which was enclosed by walls; none but his bearers had the right to pass along that street.444 It was a law of the Medes that their king should be seen by nobody.445 The king of Jebu, on the Slave Coast of West Africa, is surrounded by a great deal of mystery. Until lately his face might not be seen even by his own subjects, and if circumstances compelled him to communicate with them he did so through a screen which concealed him from view. Now, though his face may be seen, it is customary to hide his body; and at audiences a cloth is held before him so as to conceal him from the neck downwards, and it is raised so as to cover him altogether whenever he coughs, sneezes, spits, or takes snuff. His face is partially hidden by a conical cap with hanging strings of beads.446 Amongst the Tuaregs of the Sahara all the men (but not the women) keep the lower part of their face, especially the mouth, veiled constantly; the veil is never put off, not even in eating or sleeping.447 Among the Arabs men remarkable for their good looks have been known to veil their faces, especially at festivals and markets, in order to protect themselves against the evil eye.448 The same reason may explain the custom of muffling their faces which has been observed by Arab women from the earliest times449 and by the women of Boeotian Thebes in antiquity.450 In Samoa a man whose family god was the turtle might not eat a turtle, and if he helped a neighbour to cut up and cook one he had to wear a bandage tied over his mouth lest an embryo turtle should slip down his throat, grow up, and be his death.451 In West Timor a speaker holds his right hand before his mouth in speaking lest a demon should enter his body, and lest the person with whom he converses should harm the speaker's soul by magic.452 In New South Wales for some time after his initiation into the tribal mysteries, a young blackfellow (whose soul at this time is in a critical state) must always cover his mouth with a rug when a woman is present.453 We have already seen how common is the notion that the life or soul may escape by the mouth or nostrils.454

 

§ 4. Taboos on quitting the House

Kings forbidden to leave their palaces or to be seen abroad by their subjects.

By an extension of the like precaution kings are sometimes forbidden ever to leave their palaces; or, if they are allowed to do so, their subjects are forbidden to see them abroad. We have seen that the priestly king at Shark Point, West Africa, may never quit his house or even his chair, in which he is obliged to sleep sitting; and that the king of Fernando Po, whom no white man may see, is reported to be confined to his house with shackles on his legs.455 The fetish king of Benin, who was worshipped as a deity by his subjects, might not quit his palace.456 After his coronation the king of Loango is confined to his palace, which he may not leave.457 The king of Onitsha, on the Niger, “does not step out of his house into the town unless a human sacrifice is made to propitiate the gods: on this account he never goes out beyond the precincts of his premises.”458 Indeed we are told that he may not quit his palace under pain of death or of giving up one or more slaves to be executed in his presence. As the wealth of the country is measured in slaves, the king takes good care not to infringe the law. One day the monarch, charmed by some presents which he had received from a French officer, politely attended his visitor to the gate, and in a moment of forgetfulness was about to break bounds, when his chamberlain, seizing his majesty by his legs, and his wives, friends, and servants rushing up, prevented him from taking so fatal a step. Yet once a year at the Feast of Yams the king is allowed, and even required by custom, to dance before his people outside the high mud wall of the palace. In dancing he carries a great weight, generally a sack of earth, on his back to prove that he is still able to support the burden and cares of state. Were he unable to discharge this duty, he would be immediately deposed and perhaps stoned.459 The Tomas or Habes, a hardy race of mountaineers who inhabit Mount Bandiagara in Nigeria, revere a great fetish doctor called the Ogom, who is not suffered to quit his house on any pretext.460 Among the natives of the Cross River in Southern Nigeria the sacred chiefs of certain villages are confined to their compounds, that is, to the enclosures in which their houses are built. Such chiefs may be confined for years within these narrow bounds. “Among these primitive people, the head chief is often looked upon as half divine, the human representative of their ancestral god. He regulates their religious rites, and is by some tribes believed to have the power of making rain fall when they require it, and of bringing them good harvests. So, being of such value to the community, he is not permitted, except on very rare occasions, to go outside his compound, lest evil should befall him, and the whole town have to suffer.”461 The kings of Ethiopia were worshipped as gods, but were mostly kept shut up in their palaces.462 On the mountainous coast of Pontus there dwelt in antiquity a rude and warlike people named the Mosyni or Mosynoeci, through whose rugged country the Ten Thousand marched on their famous retreat from Asia to Europe. These barbarians kept their king in close custody at the top of a high tower, from which after his election he was never more allowed to descend. Here he dispensed justice to his people; but if he offended them, they punished him by stopping his rations for a whole day, or even starving him to death.463 The kings of Sabaea or Sheba, the spice country of Arabia, were not allowed to go out of their palaces; if they did so, the mob stoned them to death.464 But at the top of the palace there was a window with a chain attached to it. If any man deemed he had suffered wrong, he pulled the chain, and the king perceived him and called him in and gave judgment.465 So down to recent times the kings of Corea, whose persons were sacred and received “honours almost divine,” were shut up in their palace from the age of twelve or fifteen; and if a suitor wished to obtain justice of the king he sometimes lit a great bonfire on a mountain facing the palace; the king saw the fire and informed himself of the case.466 The Emperor of China seldom quits his palace, and when he does so, no one may look at him; even the guards who line the road must turn their backs.467 The king of Tonquin was permitted to appear abroad twice or thrice a year for the performance of certain religious ceremonies; but the people were not allowed to look at him. The day before he came forth notice was given to all the inhabitants of the city and country to keep from the way the king was to go; the women were obliged to remain in their houses and durst not shew themselves under pain of death, a penalty which was carried out on the spot if any one disobeyed the order, even through ignorance. Thus the king was invisible to all but his troops and the officers of his suite.468 In Mandalay a stout lattice-paling, six feet high and carefully kept in repair, lined every street in the walled city and all those streets in the suburbs through which the king was likely at any time to pass. Behind this paling, which stood two feet or so from the houses, all the people had to stay when the king or any of the queens went out. Any one who was caught outside it by the beadles after the procession had started was severely handled, and might think himself lucky if he got off with a beating. Nobody was supposed to peep through the holes in the lattice-work, which were besides partly stopped up with flowering shrubs.469

 

§ 5. Taboos on leaving Food over

Magical harm done a man through the remains of his food or the dishes he has eaten out of. Ideas and customs of the Narrinyeri of South Australia.

Again, magic mischief may be wrought upon a man through the remains of the food he has partaken of, or the dishes out of which he has eaten. On the principles of sympathetic magic a real connexion continues to subsist between the food which a man has in his stomach and the refuse of it which he has left untouched, and hence by injuring the refuse you can simultaneously injure the eater. Among the Narrinyeri of South Australia every adult is constantly on the look-out for bones of beasts, birds, or fish, of which the flesh has been eaten by somebody, in order to construct a deadly charm out of them. Every one is therefore careful to burn the bones of the animals which he has eaten lest they should fall into the hands of a sorcerer. Too often, however, the sorcerer succeeds in getting hold of such a bone, and when he does so he believes that he has the power of life and death over the man, woman, or child who ate the flesh of the animal. To put the charm in operation he makes a paste of red ochre and fish oil, inserts in it the eye of a cod and a small piece of the flesh of a corpse, and having rolled the compound into a ball sticks it on the top of the bone. After being left for some time in the bosom of a dead body, in order that it may derive a deadly potency by contact with corruption, the magical implement is set up in the ground near the fire, and as the ball melts, so the person against whom the charm is directed wastes with disease; if the ball is melted quite away, the victim will die. When the bewitched man learns of the spell that is being cast upon him, he endeavours to buy the bone from the sorcerer, and if he obtains it he breaks the charm by throwing the bone into a river or lake.470 Further, the Narrinyeri think that if a man eats of the totem animal of his tribe, and an enemy obtains a portion of the flesh, the latter can make it grow in the inside of the eater, and so cause his death. Therefore when a man partakes of his totem he is careful either to eat it all or else to conceal or destroy the refuse.471 In the Encounter Bay tribe of South Australia, when a man cannot get the bone of an animal which his enemy has eaten, he cooks a bird, beast, or fish, and keeping back one of the creature's bones, offers the rest under the guise of friendship to his enemy. If the man is simple enough to partake of the proffered food, he is at the mercy of his perfidious foe, who can kill him by placing the abstracted bone near the fire.472

Ideas and customs as to the leavings of food in Melanesia and New Guinea.

Ideas and practices of the same sort prevail, or used to prevail, in Melanesia; all that was needed to injure a man was to bring the leavings of his food into contact with a malignant ghost or spirit. Hence in the island of Florida when a scrap of an enemy's dinner was secreted and thrown into a haunted place, the man was supposed to fall ill; and in the New Hebrides if a snake of a certain sort carried away a fragment of food to a spot sacred to a spirit, the man who had eaten the food would sicken as the fragment decayed. In Aurora the refuse is made up by the wizard with certain leaves; as these rot and stink, the man dies. Hence it is, or was, a constant care with the Melanesians to prevent the remains of their meals from falling into the hands of persons who bore them a grudge; for this reason they regularly gave the refuse of food to the pigs.473 In Tana, one of the New Hebrides, people bury or throw into the sea the leavings of their food, lest these should fall into the hands of the disease-makers. For if a disease-maker finds the remnants of a meal, say the skin of a banana, he picks it up and burns it slowly in the fire. As it burns, the person who ate the banana falls ill and sends to the disease-maker, offering him presents if he will stop burning the banana skin.474 In German New Guinea the natives take the utmost care to destroy or conceal the husks and other remains of their food, lest these should be found by their enemies and used by them for the injury or destruction of the eaters. Hence they burn their leavings, throw them into the sea, or otherwise put them out of harm's way. To such an extent does this fear influence them that many people dare not stir beyond the territory of their own village, lest they should leave behind them on the land of their neighbours something by means of which a hostile sorcerer might do them a mischief.475 Similar fears have led to similar customs in New Britain and the other islands of what is now called the Bismarck Archipelago, off the north coast of New Guinea. There also the natives bury, burn, or throw into the sea the remains of their meals to prevent them from falling into the hands of magicians; there also the more superstitious of them will not eat in another village because they dread the use which a sorcerer might make of their leavings when their back is turned. This theory has led to an odd practical result; all the cats in the islands of the Archipelago go about with stumpy tails. The reason of the peculiarity is this. The natives sometimes roast and eat their cats; and unscrupulous persons might be tempted to steal a neighbour's cat in order to furnish a meal. Accordingly, in the interests of the higher morality people remove this stumbling-block from the path of their weaker brothers by docking their cats of a piece of their tails and keeping the severed portions in a secret place. If now a cat is stolen and eaten, the lawful owner of the animal has it in his power to avenge the crime: he need only bury the piece of tail with certain spells in the ground, and the thief will fall ill. Hence a man will hardly dare to steal and eat a cat with a stumpy tail, knowing the righteous retribution that would sooner or later overtake him for so doing.476

Ideas and customs as to the leavings of food in Africa, Celebes, India, and ancient Rome.

From a like fear, no doubt, of sorcery, no one may touch the food which the king of Loango leaves upon his plate; it is buried in a hole in the ground. And no one may drink out of the king's vessel.477 Similarly, no man may drink out of the same cup or glass with the king of Fida (Whydah) in Guinea; “he hath always one kept particularly for himself; and that which hath but once touched another's lips he never uses more, though it be made of metal that may be cleansed by fire.”478 Amongst the Alfoors of Celebes there is a priest called the Leleen, whose duty appears to be to make the rice grow. His functions begin about a month before the rice is sown, and end after the crop is housed. During this time he has to observe certain taboos; amongst others he may not eat or drink with any one else, and he may drink out of no vessel but his own.479 An ancient Indian way of injuring an enemy was to offer him a meal of rice and afterwards throw the remains of the rice into a fishpond; if the fish swam up in large numbers to devour the grains, the man's fate was sealed.480 In antiquity the Romans used immediately to break the shells of eggs and of snails which they had eaten in order to prevent enemies from making magic with them.481 The common practice, still observed among us, of breaking egg-shells after the eggs have been eaten may very well have originated in the same superstition.

The fear of the magical evil which may be done a man through his food has had beneficial effects in fostering habits of cleanliness and in strengthening the ties of hospitality.

The superstitious fear of the magic that may be wrought on a man through the leavings of his food has had the beneficial effect of inducing many savages to destroy refuse which, if left to rot, might through its corruption have proved a real, not a merely imaginary, source of disease and death. Nor is it only the sanitary condition of a tribe which has benefited by this superstition; curiously enough the same baseless dread, the same false notion of causation, has indirectly strengthened the moral bonds of hospitality, honour, and good faith among men who entertain it. For it is obvious that no one who intends to harm a man by working magic on the refuse of his food will himself partake of that food, because if he did so he would, on the principles of sympathetic magic, suffer equally with his enemy from any injury done to the refuse. This is the idea which in primitive society lends sanctity to the bond produced by eating together; by participation in the same food two men give, as it were, hostages for their good behaviour; each guarantees the other that he will devise no mischief against him, since, being physically united with him by the common food in their stomachs, any harm he might do to his fellow would recoil on his own head with precisely the same force with which it fell on the head of his victim. In strict logic, however, the sympathetic bond lasts only so long as the food is in the stomach of each of the parties. Hence the covenant formed by eating together is less solemn and durable than the covenant formed by transfusing the blood of the covenanting parties into each other's veins, for this transfusion seems to knit them together for life.482

438Notes analytiques sur les collections ethnographiques du Musée du Congo, I. Les Arts, Religion (Brussels, 1902-1906), p. 164.
439Mohammed Ibn-Omar el Tounsy, Voyage au Darfour (Paris, 1845), p. 203; Travels of an Arab Merchant [Mohammed Ibn-Omar el Tounsy] in Soudan, abridged from the French (of Perron) by Bayle St. John (London, 1854), pp. 91 sq.
440Mohammed Ibn-Omar el Tounsy, Voyage au Ouadây (Paris, 1851), p. 375.
441Ibn Batoutah, Voyages, ed. C. Defrémery et B. R. Sanguinetti (Paris, 1853-1858), iv. 441.
442Le Commandant Mattei, Bas-Niger, Bénoué, Dahomey (Paris, 1895), pp. 90 sq.
443H. Ternaux-Compans, Essai sur l'ancien Cundinamarca, p. 60.
444Manuscrit Ramirez, histoire de l'origine des Indiens qui habitent la Nouvelle Espagne selon leurs traditions, publié par D. Charnay (Paris, 1903), pp. 107 sq.
445Herodotus, i. 99.
446A. B. Ellis, The Yoruba-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast, p. 170.
447Ebn-el-Dyn el-Eghouathy, “Relation d'un voyage,” Bulletin de la Société de Géographie (Paris), IIme Série, i. (1834) p. 290; H. Duveyrier, Exploration du Sahara: les Touareg du Nord, pp. 391 sq.; Reclus, Nouvelle Géographie Universelle, xi. 838 sq.; James Richardson, Travels in the Great Desert of Sahara, ii. 208.
448J. Wellhausen, Reste arabischen Heidentums2 (Berlin, 1897), p. 196.
449Tertullian, De virginibus velandis, 17 (Migne's Patrologia Latina, ii. col. 912).
450Pseudo-Dicaearchus, Descriptio Graeciae, 18, in Geographi Graeci Minores, ed. C. Müller, i. 103; id., in Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, ed. C. Müller, ii. 259.
451G. Turner, Samoa, pp. 67 sq.
452J. G. F. Riedel, “Die Landschaft Dawan oder West-Timor,” Deutsche geographische Blätter, x. 230.
453A. W. Howitt, “On some Australian Ceremonies of Initiation,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xiii. (1884) p. 456.
454Above, pp. sqq.
455See above, pp. , sq.
456This rule was mentioned to me in conversation by Miss Mary H. Kingsley. However, he is said to have shewn himself outside his palace on solemn occasions once or twice a year. See O. Dapper, Description de l'Afrique, pp. 311 sq.; H. Ling Roth, Great Benin, p. 74. As to the worship of the king of Benin, see The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, vol. i. p. 396.
457A. Bastian, Die deutsche Expedition an der Loango-Küste, i. 263. However, a case is recorded in which he marched out to war (ibid. i. 268 sq.).
458S. Crowther and J. C. Taylor, The Gospel on the Banks of the Niger (London, 1859), p. 433.
459Le Commandant Mattei, Bas-Niger, Bénoué, Dahomey (Paris, 1895), pp. 67-72. The annual dance of the king of Onitsha outside of his palace is mentioned also by S. Crowther and J. C. Taylor (op. cit. p. 379), and A. F. Mockler-Ferryman (Up the Niger, p. 22).
460“Mission Voulet-Chanoine,” Bulletin de la Société de Géographie (Paris), VIIIme Série, xx. (1899) p. 223.
461C. Partridge, Cross River Natives (London, 1905), p. 7; compare id. pp. 8, 200, 202, 203 sq. See also Major A. G. Leonard, The Lower Niger and its Tribes (London, 1906), pp. 371 sq.
462Strabo, xvii. 2. 2 σέβονται δ᾽ ὡς θεοὺς τουσ βασιλεασ, κατακλειστουσ οντασ και οἰκουροὺς τὸ πλέον.
463Xenophon, Anabasis, v. 4. 26; Scymnus Chius, Orbis descriptio, 900 sqq. (Geographi Graeci Minores, ed. C. Müller, i. 234); Diodorus Siculus, xiv. 30. 6 sq.; Nicolaus Damascenus, quoted by Stobeaus, Florilegium, xliv. 41 (vol. ii. p. 185, ed. Meineke); Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. ii. 1026, sqq., with the note of the scholiast; Pomponius Mela, i. 106, p. 29, ed. Parthey. Die Chrysostom refers to the custom without mentioning the name of the people (Or. xiv. vol. i. p. 257, ed. L. Dindorf).
464Strabo, xvi. 4. 19, p. 778; Diodorus Siculus, iii. 47. Inscriptions found in Sheba (the country about two hundred miles north of Aden) seem to shew that the land was at first ruled by a succession of priestly kings, who were afterwards followed by kings in the ordinary sense. The names of many of these priestly kings (makarribs, literally “blessers”) are preserved in inscriptions. See Prof. S. R. Driver, in Authority and Archaeology Sacred and Profane, edited by D. G. Hogarth (London, 1899), p. 82. Probably these “blessers” are the kings referred to by the Greek writers. We may suppose that the blessings they dispensed consisted in a proper regulation of the weather, abundance of the fruits of the earth, and so on.
465Heraclides Cumanus, in Athenaeus, xii. 13, p. 517 b. c.
466Ch. Dallet, Histoire de l'Église de Coreé (Paris, 1874), i. pp. xxiv-xxvi. The king sometimes, though rarely, left his palace. When he did so, notice was given beforehand to his people. All doors must be shut and each householder must kneel before his threshold with a broom and a dust-pan in his hand. All windows, especially the upper ones, must be sealed with slips of paper, lest some one should look down upon the king. See W. E. Griffis, Corea, the Hermit Nation, p. 222. These customs are now obsolete (G. N. Curzon, Problems of the Far East, Westminster, 1896, pp. 154 sq. note).
467This I learned from the late Mr. W. Simpson, formerly artist of the Illustrated London News.
468Richard, “History of Tonquin,” in Pinkerton's Voyages and Travels, ix. 746.
469Shway Yoe, The Burman (London, 1882), i. 30 sq.; compare Indian Antiquary, xx. (1891) p. 49.
470G. Taplin, “The Narrinyeri,” in Native Tribes of South Australia (Adelaide, 1879), pp. 24-26; id., in E. M. Curr, The Australian Race, ii. p. 247.
471G. Taplin, “The Narrinyeri,” in Native Tribes of South Australia, p. 63; id., “Notes on the Mixed Races of Australia,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, iv. (1875) p. 53; id., in E. M. Curr, The Australian Race, ii. 245.
472H. E. A. Meyer, “Manners and Customs of the Aborigines of the Encounter Bay Tribe,” in Native Tribes of South Australia, p. 196.
473R. H. Codrington, The Melanesians, pp. 203 sq., compare pp. 178, 188, 214.
474G. Turner, Samoa, pp. 302 sq. See The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, i. 341 sq.
475K. Vetter, Komm herüber und hilf uns! iii. (Barmen, 1898) p. 9; M. Krieger, Neu-Guinea, pp. 185 sq.; R. Parkinson, “Die Berlinhafen Section, ein Beitrag zur Ethnographie der Neu-Guinea Küste,” Internationales Archiv für Ethnographie, xiii. (1900) p. 44; M. J. Erdweg, “Die Bewohner der Insel Tumleo, Berlinhafen, Deutsch-Neu-Guinea,” Mittheilungen der Anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien, xxxii. (1902) p. 287.
476Mgr. Couppé, “En Nouvelle-Poméranie,” Missions Catholiques, xxiii. (1891) p. 364; J. Graf Pfeil, Studien und Beobachtungen aus der Südsee (Brunswick, 1899), pp. 141 sq.; P. A. Kleintitschen, Die Küstenbewohner der Gazellehalbinsel (Hiltrup bei Münster, n. d.), pp. 343 sq.
477O. Dapper, Description de l'Afrique, p. 330. We have seen that the food left by the king of the Monbutto, is carefully buried (above, p. ).
478Bosman's “Guinea,” in Pinkerton's Voyages and Travels, xvi. 487.
479P. N. Wilken, “Bijdragen tot de kennis van de zeden en gewoonten der Alfoeren in de Minahassa,” Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap, vii. (1863) p. 126.
480W. Caland, Altindisches Zauberritual, pp. 163 sq.
481Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxviii. 19. For other examples of witchcraft wrought by means of the refuse of food, see E. S. Hartland, The Legend of Perseus, ii. 83 sqq.
482On the covenant entered into by eating together see the classical exposition of W. Robertson Smith, The Religion of the Semites2 (London, 1894), pp. 269 sqq. For examples of the blood-covenant, see H. C. Trumbull, The Blood Covenant (London, 1887). The examples might easily be multiplied.