The History of England, from the Accession of James II — Volume 2

 
"I liked the place beyond expressing,
I ne'er saw a camp so fine,
Not a maid in a plain dressing,
But might taste a glass of wine."]
 

114 (return)

[ Luttrell's Diary, June 18. 1686.]

115 (return)

[ See the memoirs of Johnson, prefixed to the folio edition of his life, his Julian, and his answers to his opponents. See also Hickes's Jovian.]

116 (return)

[ Life of Johnson, prefixed to his works; Secret History of the happy Revolution, by Hugh Speke; State Trials; Citters, Nov 23/Dec 3 1686. Citters gives the best account of the trial. I have seen a broadside which confirms his narrative.]

117 (return)

[ See the preface to Henry Wharton's Posthumous Sermons.]

118 (return)

[ This I can attest from my own researches. There is an excellent collection in the British Museum. Birch tells us, in his Life of Tillotson, that Archbishop Wake had not been able to form even a perfect catalogue of all the tracts published in this controversy.]

119 (return)

[ Cardinal Howard spoke strongly to Burnet at Rome on this subject Burnet, i. 662. There is a curious passage to the same effect in a despatch of Barillon but I have mislaid the reference.

One of the Roman Catholic divines who engaged in this controversy, a Jesuit named Andrew Patton, whom Mr. Oliver, in his biography of the Order, pronounces to have been a man of distinguished ability, very frankly owns his deficiencies. "A. P. having been eighteen years out of his own country, pretends not yet to any perfection of the English expression or orthography." His orthography is indeed deplorable. In one of his letters wright is put for write, woed for would. He challenged Tenison to dispute with him in Latin, that they might be on equal terms. In a contemporary satire, entitled The Advice, is the following couplet

 
"Send Pulton to be lashed at Bushy's school,
That he in print no longer play the fool."
 

Another Roman Catholic, named William Clench, wrote a treatise on the Pope's supremacy, and dedicated it to the Queen in Italian. The following specimen of his style may suffice. "O del sagro marito fortunata consorte! O dolce alleviamento d' affari alti! O grato ristoro di pensieri noiosi, nel cui petto latteo, lucente specchio d'illibata matronal pudicizia, nel cui seno odorato, come in porto damor, si ritira il Giacomo! O beata regia coppia! O felice inserto tra l'invincibil leoni e le candide aquile!"

Clench's English is of a piece with his Tuscan. For example, "Peter signifies an inexpugnable rock, able to evacuate all the plots of hell's divan, and naufragate all the lurid designs of empoisoned heretics."

Another Roman Catholic treatise, entitled "The Church of England truly represented," begins by informing us that "the ignis fatuus of reformation, which had grown to a comet by many acts of spoil and rapine, had been ushered into England, purified of the filth which it had contracted among the lakes of the Alps."]

120 (return)

[ Barillon, July 19/29 1686.]

121 (return)

[ Act Parl. Aug. 24. 1560; Dec. 15. 1567.]

122 (return)

[ Act Parl. May 8. 1685.]

123 (return)

[ Act Parl. Aug. 31 1681.]

124 (return)

[ Burnet, i. 584.]

125 (return)

[ Ibid. i. 652, 653.]

126 (return)

[ Ibid. i. 678.]

127 (return)

[ Burnet, i. 653.]

128 (return)

[ Fountainhall, Jan. 28. 1685/6.]

129 (return)

[ Ibid. Jan. 11 1685/6.]

130 (return)

[ Fountainhall, Jan. 31. and Feb. 1. 1685/6.; Burnet, i. 678,; Trials of David Mowbray and Alexander Keith, in the Collection of State Trials; Bonrepaux, Feb. 11/21]

131 (return)

[ Lewis to Barillon, Feb. 18/28 1686.]

132 (return)

[ Fountainhall, Feb. 16.; Wodrow, book iii. chap. x. sec. 3. "We require," His Majesty graciously wrote, "that you spare no legal trial by torture or otherwise."]

133 (return)

[ Bonrepaux, Feb. 18/28 1686.]

134 (return)

[ Fountainhall, March 11. 1686; Adda, March 1/11]

135 (return)

[ This letter is dated March 4. 1686.]

136 (return)

[ Barillon, April 19/29 1686; Burnet, i. 370.]

137 (return)

[ The words are in a letter of Johnstone of Waristoun.]

138 (return)

[ Some words of Barillon deserve to be transcribed. They would alone suffice to decide a question which ignorance and party spirit have done much to perplex. "Cette liberte accordee aux nonconformistes a faite une grande difficulte, et a ete debattue pendant plusieurs jours. Le Roy d'Angleterre avoit fort envie que les Catholiques eussent seuls la liberte de l'exercice de leur religion." April 19/29 1686.]

139 (return)

[ Barillon, April 19/29 1686 Citters, April 18/28 20/30 May 9/19]

140 (return)

[ Fountainhall, May 6. 1686.]

141 (return)

[ Ibid. June 15. 1686.]

142 (return)

[ Citters, May 11/21 1686. Citters informed the States that he had his intelligence from a sure hand. I will transcribe part of his narrative. It is an amusing specimen of the pyebald dialect in which the Dutch diplomatists of that age corresponded.

"Des konigs missive, boven en behalven den Hoog Commissaris aensprake, aen het parlement afgesonden, gelyck dat altoos gebruyckelyck is, waerby Syne Majesteyt ny in genere versocht hieft de mitigatie der rigoureuse ofte sanglante wetten von het Ryck jegens het Pausdom, in het Generale Comitee des Articles (soo men het daer naemt) na ordre gestelt en gelesen synde, in 't voteren, den Hertog van Hamilton onder anderen klaer uyt seyde dat hy daertoe niet soude verstaen, dat by anders genegen was den konig in allen voorval getrouw te dienen volgens het dictamen syner conscientie: 't gene reden gaf aen de Lord Cancelier de Grave Perts te seggen dat het woort conscientie niets en beduyde, en alleen een individuum vagum was, waerop der Chevalier Locqnard dan verder gingh; wil man niet verstaen de betyckenis van het woordt conscientie, soo sal ik in fortioribus seggen dat wy meynen volgens de fondamentale wetten van het ryck."

There is, in the Hind Let Loose, a curious passage to which I should have given no credit, but for this despatch of Citters. "They cannot endure so much as to hear of the name of conscience. One that was well acquaint with the Council's humour in this point told a gentleman that was going before them, `I beseech you, whatever you do, speak nothing of conscience before the Lords, for they cannot abide to hear that word.'"]

143 (return)

[ Fountainhall, May 17. 1686.]

144 (return)

[ Wodrow, III. x. 3.]

145 (return)

[ Citters, May 28/June 7, June 1/11 June 4/14 1686 Fountainhall June 15; —— Luttrell's Diary, June 2. 16]

146 (return)

[ Fountainhall, June 21 1686.]

147 (return)

[ Ibid. September 16. 1686.]

148 (return)

[ Fountainhall, Sept. 16; Wodrow, III. x. 3.]

149 (return)

[ The provisions of the Irish Act of Supremacy, 2 Eliz. chap. I., are substantially the same with those of the English Act of Supremacy, I Eliz. chap. I. hut the English act was soon found to be defective and the defect was supplied by a more stringent act, 5 Eliz. chap. I No such supplementary law was made in Ireland. That the construction mentioned in the text was put on the Irish Act of Supremacy, we are told by Archbishop King: State of Ireland, chap. ii. sec. 9. He calls this construction Jesuitical but I cannot see it in that light.]

150 (return)

[ Political Anatomy of Ireland.]

151 (return)

[ Political Anatomy of Ireland, 1672; Irish Hudibras, 1689; John Dunton's Account of Ireland, 1699.]

152 (return)

[ Clarendon to Rochester, May 4. 1686.]

153 (return)

[ Bishop Malony's Letter to Bishop Tyrrel, March 5. 1689.]

154 (return)

[ Statute 10 & 11 Charles I. chap. 16; King's State of the Protestants of Ireland, chap. ii. sec. 8.]

155 (return)

[ King, chap. ii. sec. 8. Miss Edgeworth's King Corny belongs to a later and much more civilised generation; but whoever has studied that admirable portrait can form some notion of what King Corny's great grandfather must have been.]

156 (return)

[ King, chap. iii. sec. 2.]

157 (return)

[ Sheridan MS.; Preface to the first volume of the Hibernia Anglicana, 1690; Secret Consults of the Romish Party in Ireland, 1689.]

158 (return)

[ "There was a free liberty of conscience by connivance, though not by the law."—King, chap. iii. sec. i.]

159 (return)

[ In a letter to James found among Bishop Tyrrel's papers, and dated Aug. 14. 1686, are some remarkable expressions. "There are few or none Protestants in that country but such as are joined with the Whigs against the common enemy." And again: "Those that passed for Tories here" (that is in England) "publicly espouse the Whig quarrel on the other side the water." Swift said the same thing to King William a few years later "I remember when I was last in England, I told the King that the highest Tories we had with us would make tolerable Whigs there."—Letters concerning the Sacramental Test.]

160 (return)

[ The wealth and negligence of the established clergy of Ireland are mentioned in the strongest terms by the Lord Lieutenant Clarendon, a most unexceptionable witness.]

161 (return)

[ Clarendon reminds the King of this in a letter dated March 14. "It certainly is," Clarendon adds, "a most true notion."]

162 (return)

[ Clarendon strongly recommended this course, and was of opinion that the Irish Parliament would do its part. See his letter to Ormond, Aug. 28. 1686.]

163 (return)

[ It was an O'Neill of great eminence who said that it did not become him to writhe his mouth to chatter English. Preface to the first volume of the Hibernia Anglicana.]

164 (return)

[ Sheridan MS. among the Stuart Papers. I ought to acknowledge the courtesy with which Mr. Glover assisted me in my search for this valuable manuscript. James appears, from the instructions which he drew up for his son in 1692, to have retained to the last the notion that Ireland could not without danger be entrusted to an Irish Lord Lieutenant.]

165 (return)

[ Sheridan MS.]

166 (return)

[ Clarendon to Rochester, Jan. 19. 1685/6; Secret Consults of the Romish Party in Ireland, 1690.]

167 (return)

[ Clarendon to Rochester, Feb. 27. 1685/6.]

168 (return)

[ Clarendon to Rochester and Sunderland, March 2. 1685/6; and to Rochester, March 14.]

169 (return)

[ Clarendon to Sunderland, Feb. 26. 1685/6.]

170 (return)

[ Sunderland to Clarendon, March 11. 1685/6.]

171 (return)

[ Clarendon to Rochester, March 14. 1685/6.]

172 (return)

[ Clarendon to James, March 4. 1685/6.]

173 (return)

[ James to Clarendon, April 6. 1686.]

174 (return)

[ Sunderland to Clarendon, May 22. 1686; Clarendon to Ormond, May 30.; Clarendon to Sunderland, July 6. 11.]

175 (return)

[ Clarendon to Rochester and Sunderland, June 1. 1686; to Rochester, June 12. King's State of the Protestants of Ireland, chap. ii. sec. 6, 7. Apology for the Protestants of Ireland, 1689.]

176 (return)

[ Clarendon to Rochester, May 15 1686.]

177 (return)

[ Ibid. May 11. 1686.]

178 (return)

[ Ibid. June 8. 1686.]

179 (return)

[ Secret Consults of the Romish Party in Ireland.]

180 (return)

[ Clarendon to Rochester, June 26. and July 4. 1686; Apology for the Protestants of Ireland, 1689.]

181 (return)

[ Clarendon to Rochester, July 4. 22. 1686; to Sunderland, July 6; to the King, Aug. 14.]

182 (return)

[ Clarendon to Rochester, June 19. 1686.]

183 (return)

[ Ibid. June 22. 1686.]

184 (return)

[ Sheridan MS. King's State of the Protestants of Ireland, chap. iii. sec. 3. sec. 8. There is a most striking instance of Tyrconnel's impudent mendacity in Clarendon's letter to Rochester, July 22. 1686.]

185 (return)

[ Clarendon to Rochester, June 8. 1686.]

186 (return)

[ Clarendon to Rochester, Sept. 23. and Oct. 2. 1686 Secret Consults of the Romish Party in Ireland, 1690.]

187 (return)

[ Clarendon to Rochester, Oct. 6. 1686.]

188 (return)

[ Clarendon to the King and to Rochester, Oct. 23. 1686.]

189 (return)

[ Clarendon to Rochester, Oct. 29, 30. 1686.]

190 (return)

[ Ibid. Nov. 27. 1686.]

191 (return)

[ Barillon, Sept. 13/23 1686; Clarke's Life of James the Second, ii. 99.]

192 (return)

[ Sheridan MS.]

193 (return)

[ Clarke's Life of James the Second, ii. 100.]

194 (return)

[ Barillon, Sept. 13/23 1686; Bonrepaux, June 4. 1687.]

195 (return)

[ Barillon, Dec. 2/12 1686; Burnet, i. 684.; Clarke's Life of James the Second, ii. 100.; Dodd's Church History. I have tried to frame a fair narrative out of these conflicting materials. It seems clear to me, from Rochester's own papers that he was on this occasion by no means so stubborn as he has been represented by Burnet and by the biographer of James.]

196 (return)

[ From Rochester's Minutes, dated Dec. 3. 1686.]

197 (return)

[ From Rochester's Minutes, Dec. 4. 1686.]

198 (return)

[ Barillon, Dec. 20/30 1686.]

199 (return)

[ Burnet, i. 684.]

200 (return)

[ Bonrepaux, Mar 25/June 4 1687.]

201 (return)

[ Rochester's Minutes, Dec. 19 1686; Barillon, Dec 30 / Jan 9 1686/7; Burnet, i. 685. Clarke's Life of James the Second, ii. 102.; Treasury Warrant Book, Dec. 29. 1686.]

202 (return)

[ Bishop Malony in a letter to Bishop Tyrrel says, "Never a Catholic or other English will ever think or make a step, nor suffer the King to make a step for your restauration, but leave you as you were hitherto, and leave your enemies over your heads: nor is there any Englishman, Catholic or other, of what quality or degree soever alive, that will stick to sacrifice all Ireland for to save the least interest of his own in England, and would as willingly see all Ireland over inhabited by English of whatsoever religion as by the Irish."]

203 (return)

[ The best account of these transactions is in the Sheridan MS.]

204 (return)

[ Sheridan MS.; Oldmixon's Memoirs of Ireland; King's State of the Protestants of Ireland, particularly chapter iii.; Apology for the Protestants of Ireland, 1689.]

205 (return)

[ Secret Consults of the Romish Party in Ireland, 1690.]

206 (return)

[ London Gazette, Jan. 6. and March 14. 1686/7; Evelyn's Diary, March 10 Etherege's letter to Dover is in the British Museum.]

207 (return)

[ "Pare che gli animi sono inaspriti della voce che corre per il popolo, desser cacciato il detto ministro per non essere Cattolico, percio tirarsi al esterminio de' Protestanti."—Adda, 1687.]

208 (return)

[ The chief materials from which I have taken my description of the Prince of Orange will be found in Burnet's History, in Temple's and Gourville's Memoirs, in the Negotiations of the Counts of Estrades and Avaux, in Sir George Downing's Letters to Lord Chancellor Clarendon, in Wagenaar's voluminous History, in Van Kamper's Karakterkunde der Vaderlandsche Geschiedenis, and, above all, in William's own confidential correspondence, of which the Duke of Portland permitted Sir James Mackintosh to take a copy.]

209 (return)

[ William was earnestly intreated by his friends, after the peace of Ryswick, to speak seriously to the French ambassador about the schemes of assassination which the Jacobites of St. Germains were constantly contriving. The cold magnanimity with which these intimations of danger were received is singularly characteristic. To Bentinck, who had sent from Paris very alarming intelligence, William merely replied at the end of a long letter of business,—"Pour les assasins je ne luy en ay pas voulu parler, croiant que c'etoit au desous de moy." May 2/12 1698. I keep the original orthography, if it is to be so called.]

210 (return)

[ From Windsor he wrote to Bentinck, then ambassador at Paris. "Jay pris avant hier un cerf dans la forest avec les chains du Pr. de Denm. et ay fait on assez jolie chasse, autant que ce vilain paiis le permest. March 20/April 1 1698." The spelling is bad, but not worse than Napoleon's. William wrote in better humour from Loo. "Nous avons pris deux gros cerfs, le premier dans Dorewaert, qui est un des plus gros que je sache avoir jamais pris. Il porte seize." Oct 25/Nov 4 1697.]

211 (return)

[ March 3. 1679.]

212 (return)

[ "Voila en peu de mot le detail de nostre St. Hubert. Et j'ay eu soin que M. Woodstoc" (Bentinck's eldest son) "n'a point este a la chasse, bien moin au soupe, quoyqu'il fut icy. Vous pouvez pourtant croire que de n'avoir pas chasse l'a on peu mortifie, mais je ne l'ay pas ause prendre sur moy, puisque vous m'aviez dit que vous ne le souhaitiez pas." From Loo, Nov. 4. 1697.]

213 (return)

[ On the 15th of June, 1688.]

214 (return)

[ Sept. 6. 1679.]

215 (return)

[ See Swift's account of her in the Journal to Stella.]

216 (return)

[ Henry Sidney's Journal of March 31. 1680, in Mr. Blencowe's interesting collection.]

217 (return)

[ Speaker Onslow's note on Burnet, i. 596.; Johnson's Life of Sprat.]

218 (return)

[ No person has contradicted Burnet more frequently or with more asperity than Dartmouth. Yet Dartmouth wrote, "I do not think he designedly published anything he believed to be false." At a later period Dartmouth, provoked by some remarks on himself in the second volume of the Bishop's history, retracted this praise but to such a retraction little importance can be attached. Even Swift has the justice to say, "After all, he was a man of generosity and good nature."—Short Remarks on Bishop Burnet's History.

It is usual to censure Burnet as a singularly inaccurate historian; hut I believe the charge to be altogether unjust. He appears to be singularly inaccurate only because his narrative has been subjected to a scrutiny singularly severe and unfriendly. If any Whig thought it worth while to subject Reresby's Memoirs, North's Examen, Mulgrave's Account of the Revolution, or the Life of James the Second, edited by Clarke, to a similar scrutiny, it would soon appear that Burnet was far indeed from being the most inexact writer of his time.]

219 (return)

[ Dr. Hooper's MS. narrative, published in the Appendix to Lord Dungannon's Life of William.]

220 (return)

[ Avaux Negotiations, Aug. 10/20 Sept. 14/24 Sept 28/Oct 8 Dec. 7/17 1682.]

221 (return)

[ I cannot deny myself the pleasure of quoting Massillon's unfriendly, yet discriminating and noble, character of William. "Un prince profond dans ses vues; habile a former des ligues et a reunir les esprits; plus heureux a exciter les guerres qu'a combatire; plus a craindre encore dans le secret du cabinet, qu'a la tete des armees; un ennemi que la haine du nom Francais avoit rendu capable d'imaginer de grandes choses et de les executer; un de ces genies qui semblent etre nes pour mouvoir a leur gre les peuples et les souverains; un grand homme, s'il n'avoit jamais voulu etre roi."—Oraison funebre de M. le Dauphin.]

222 (return)

[ For example, "Je crois M. Feversham un tres brave et honeste homme. Mais je doute s'il a assez d'experience diriger une si grande affaire qu'il a sur le bras. Dieu lui donne un succes prompt et heureux. Mais je ne suis pas hors d'inquietude." July 7/17 1685. Again, after he had received the news of the battle of Sedgemoor, "Dieu soit loue du bon succes que les troupes du Roy ont eu contre les rebelles. Je ne doute pas que cette affaire ne soit entierement assoupie, et que le regne du Roy sera heureux, Ce que Dieu veuille." July 10/20]

223 (return)

[ The treaty will be found in the Recueil des Traites, iv. No. 209.]

224 (return)

[ Burnet, i. 762.]

225 (return)

[ Temple's Memoirs.]

226 (return)

[ See the poems entitled The Converts and The Delusion.]

227 (return)

[ The lines are in the Collection of State Poems.]

228 (return)

[ Our information about Wycherly is very scanty; but two things are certain, that in his later years he called himself a Papist, and that he received money from James. I have very little doubt that he was a hired convert.]

229 (return)

[ See the article on him in the Biographia Britannica.]

230 (return)

[ See James Quin's account of Haines in Davies's Miscellanies; Tom Brown's Works; Lives of Sharpers; Dryden's Epilogue to the Secular Masque.]

231 (return)

[ This fact, which escaped the minute researches of Malone, appears from the Treasury Letter Book of 1685.]

232 (return)

[ Leeuwen, Dec 25/Jan 4 1685/6]

233 (return)

[ Barillon,—Jan 31/Feb 10 1686/7. "Je crois que, dans le fond, si on ne pouvoit laisser que la religion Anglicane et la Catholique etablies par les loix, le Roy d'Angleterre en seroit bien plus content."]

234 (return)

[ It will be round in Wodrow, Appendix, vol. ii. No. 129.]

235 (return)

[ Wodrow, Appendix, vol. ii. No. 128. 129. 132.]

236 (return)

[ Barillon Feb 20/March 10 1686/7; Citters, Feb. 16/23; Reresby's Memoirs Bonrepaux, May 25/June 4 1687.]

237 (return)

[ Barillon, March 14/24 1687; Lady Russell to Dr. Fitzwilliam, April 1.; Burnet, i. 671. 762. The conversation is somewhat differently related in Clarke's Life of James, ii. 204. But that passage is not part of the King's own memoirs.]

238 (return)

[ London Gazette, March 21. 1686/7.]

239 (return)

[ Ibid. April 7. 1687.]

240 (return)

[ Warrant Book of the Treasury. See particularly the instructions dated March 8, 1687/8 Burnet, i. 715. Reflections on his Majesty's Proclamation for a Toleration in Scotland; Letters containing some Reflections on his Majesty's Declaration for Liberty of Conscience; Apology for the Church of England with a relation to the spirit of Persecution for which she is accused, 1687/8. But it is impossible for me to cite all the pamphlets from which I have formed my notion of the state of parties at this time.]

241 (return)

[ Letter to a Dissenter.]

242 (return)

[ Wodrow, Appendix, vol. ii. Nos. 132. 134.]

243 (return)

[ London Gazette, April 21. 1687 Animadversions on a late paper entituled A Letter to a Dissenter, by H C. (Henry Care), 1687.]

244 (return)

[ Lestrange's Answer to a Letter to a Dissenter; Care's Animadversions on A letter to a Dissenter; Dialogue between Harry and Roger; that is to say, Harry Care and Roger Lestrange.]

245 (return)

[ The letter was signed T. W. Care says, in his Animadversions, "This Sir Politic T. W., or W. T. for some critics think that the truer reading."]

246 (return)

[ Ellis Correspondence, March 15. July 27. 1686 Barillon, Feb 28/Mar 10; March 3/13. March 6/16. 1687 Ronquillo, March 9/19. 1687, in the Mackintosh Collection.]

247 (return)

[ Wood's Athenae Oxonienses; Observator; Heraclitus Ridens, passim. But Care's own writings furnish the best materials for an estimate of his character.]

248 (return)

[ Calamy's Account of the Ministers ejected or silenced after the Restoration, Northamptonshire; Wood's Athenae Oxonienses; Biographia Britannica.]

249 (return)

[ State Trials; Samuel Rosewell's Life of Thomas Rosewell, 1718; Calamy's Account.]

250 (return)

[ London Gazette, March 15 1685/6; Nichols's Defence of the Church of England; Pierce's Vindication of the Dissenters.]

251 (return)

[ The Addresses will be found in the London Gazettes.]

252 (return)

[ Calamy's Life of Baxter.]

253 (return)

[ Calamy's Life of Howe. The share which the Hampden family had in the matter I learned from a letter of Johnstone of Waristoun, dated June 13 1688.]

254 (return)

[ Bunyan's Grace Abounding.]

255 (return)

[ Young classes Bunyan's prose with Durfey's poetry. The people of fashion in the Spiritual Quixote rank the Pilgrim's Progress with Jack the Giantkiller. Late in the eighteenth century Cowper did not venture to do more than allude to the great allegorist

 
"I name thee not, lest so despis'd a name
Should move a sneer at thy deserved fame."]
 

256 (return)

[ The continuation of Bunyan's life appended to his Grace Abounding.]

257 (return)

[ Kiffin's Memoirs; Luson's Letter to Brooke, May 11. 1773, in the Hughes Correspondence.]

258 (return)

[ See, among other contemporary pamphlets, one entitled a Representation of the threatening Dangers impending over Protestants.]

259 (return)

[ Burnet, i. 694.]

260 (return)

[ "Le Prince d'Orange, qui avoit elude jusqu'alors de faire une reponse positive, dit qu'il ne consentira jamais a la suppression du ces loix qui avoient ete etablies pour le maintien et la surete de la religion Protestante, et que sa conscience ne le lui permettoit point non seulement pour la succession du royaume d'Angleterre, mais meme pour l'empire du monde; en sorte que le roi d'Angleterre est plus aigri contre lui qu'il n'a jamais ete"—Bonrepaux, June 11/21 1687.]

261 (return)

[ Burnet, i. 710. Bonrepaux, May 24/June 4. 1687]

262 (return)

[ Johnstone, Jan. 13. 1688; Halifax's Anatomy of an Equivalent.]

263 (return)

[ Burnet, i. 726-73 1.; Answer to the Criminal Letters issued out against Dr. Burnet; Avaux Neg., July 7/17 14/24, July 28/Aug 7 Jan 19/29 1688; Lewis to Barillon, Dec 30 1687/Jan 9 1688; Johnstone of Waristoun, Feb. 21. 1688; Lady Russell to Dr. Fitzwilliam, Oct. 5, 1687. As it has been suspected that Burnet, who certainly was not in the habit of underrating his own importance, exaggerated the danger to which he was exposed, I will give the words of Lewis and of Johnstone. "Qui que ce soit," says Lewis, "qui entreprenne de l'enlever en Hollande trouvera non seulement une retraite assuree et une entiere protection dans mes etats, mais aussi toute l'assistance qu'il pourra desirer pour faire conduire surement ce scelerat en Angleterre." "The business of Bamfield (Burnet) is certainly true," says Johnstone. "No man doubts of it here, and some concerned do not deny it. His friends say they hear he takes no care of himself, but out of vanity, to show his courage, shows his folly; so that, if ill happen on it, all people will laugh at it. Pray tell him so much from Jones (Johnstone). If some could be catched making their coup d'essai on him, it will do much to frighten them from making any attempt on Ogle (the Prince)."]

264 (return)

[ Burnet, a. 708.; Avaux Neg., Jan. 3/13 Feb. 6/16. 1687; Van Kampen, Karakterkunde der Vaderlandsche Geschiedenis.]

265 (return)

[ Burnet, i 711. Dykvelt's despatches to the States General contain, as far as I have seen or can learn, not a word about the real object of his mission. His correspondence with the Prince of Orange was strictly private.]

266 (return)

[ Bonrepaux, Sept. 12/22 1687.]

267 (return)

[ See Lord Campbell's Life of him.]

268 (return)

[ Johnstone's Correspondence; Mackay's Memoirs; Arbuthnot's John Bull; Swift's writings from 1710 to 1714, passim; Whiston's Letter to the Earl of Nottingham, and the Earl's answer.]

269 (return)

[ Kennet's funeral sermon on the Duke of Devonshire, and Memoirs of the family of Cavendish; State Trials; Privy Council Book, March 5. 1685/6; Barillon, June 30/July 10 1687; Johnstone, Dec. 8/18. 1687; Lords' journals, May 6. 1689. "Ses amis et ses proches," says Barillon, "lui conseillent de prendre le bon parti, mais il persiste jusqu'a prasent a ne se point soumettre. S'il vouloit se bien conduire et renoncer a etre populaire, il ne payeroit pas l'amende, mais s'il opiniatre, il lui en coutera trente mille pieces et il demeurera prisonnier jusqu'a l'actuel payement."]

270 (return)

[ The motive which determined the conduct of the Churchills is shortly and plainly set forth in the Duchess of Marlborough's Vindication. "It was," she says, "evident to all the world that, as things were carried on by King James, everybody sooner or later must be ruined, who would not become a Roman Catholic. This consideration made me very well pleased at the Prince of Orange's undertaking to rescue us from such slavery."]

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[ Grammont's Memoirs; Pepys's Diary, Feb. 21. 1684/5.]

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[ It would be endless to recount all the books from which I have formed my estimate of the duchess's character. Her own letters, her own vindication, and the replies which it called forth, have been my chief materials.]

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[ The formal epistle which Dykvelt carried back to the States is in the Archives at the Hague. The other letters mentioned in this paragraph are given by Dalrymple. App. to Book V.]

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[ Sunderland to William, Aug. 24. 1686; William to Sunderland, Sept. 2/12 1686; Barillon, May 6/16 May 26/June 5 Oct. 3/13 Nov 28/Dec 8. 1687; Lewis to Barillon, Oct. 14/24 1687: Memorial of Albeville, Dec. 15/25. 1687; James to William, Jan. 17. Feb. 16. March 2. 13. 1688; Avaux Neg., March 1/11 6/16 8/18 March 22/April 1 1688.]

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