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The Golden Bough: A Study in Magic and Religion (Third Edition, Vol. 03 of 12)

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The soul sometimes supposed to be in the reflection. Dangers to which the reflection-soul is exposed.

As some peoples believe a man's soul to be in his shadow, so other (or the same) peoples believe it to be in his reflection in water or a mirror. Thus “the Andamanese do not regard their shadows but their reflections (in any mirror) as their souls.”311 According to one account, some of the Fijians thought that man has two souls, a light one and a dark one; the dark one goes to Hades, the light one is his reflection in water or a mirror.312 When the Motumotu of New Guinea first saw their likenesses in a looking-glass they thought that their reflections were their souls.313 In New Caledonia the old men are of opinion that a person's reflection in water or a mirror is his soul; but the younger men, taught by the Catholic priests, maintain that it is a reflection and nothing more, just like the reflection of palm-trees in the water.314 The reflection-soul, being external to the man, is exposed to much the same dangers as the shadow-soul. Among the Galelareese, half-grown lads and girls may not look at themselves in a mirror; for they say that the mirror takes away their bloom and leaves them ugly.315 And as the shadow may be stabbed, so may the reflection. Hence an Aztec mode of keeping sorcerers from the house was to leave a vessel of water with a knife in it behind the door. When a sorcerer entered he was so much alarmed at seeing his reflection in the water transfixed by a knife that he turned and fled.316 In Corrèze, a district of the Auvergne, a cow's milk had dried up through the maleficent spells of a neighbouring witch, so a sorcerer was called in to help. He made the woman whose cow was bewitched sit in front of a pail of water with a knife in her hand till she thought she saw the image of the witch in the water, whereupon he made her stab the image with the knife. They say that if the knife strikes the image fair in the eye, the person whose likeness it is will suffer a corresponding injury in his or her eye. This procedure, we are informed, has been successful in restoring milk to the udders of a cow when even holy water had been tried in vain.317 The Zulus will not look into a dark pool because they think there is a beast in it which will take away their reflections, so that they die.318 The Basutos say that crocodiles have the power of thus killing a man by dragging his reflection under water. When one of them dies suddenly and from no apparent cause, his relatives will allege that a crocodile must have taken his shadow some time when he crossed a stream.319 In Saddle Island, Melanesia, there is a pool “into which if any one looks he dies; the malignant spirit takes hold upon his life by means of his reflection on the water.”320

Dread of looking at one's reflection in water.

We can now understand why it was a maxim both in ancient India and ancient Greece not to look at one's reflection in water, and why the Greeks regarded it as an omen of death if a man dreamed of seeing himself so reflected.321 They feared that the water-spirits would drag the person's reflection or soul under water, leaving him soulless to perish. This was probably the origin of the classical story of the beautiful Narcissus, who languished and died through seeing his reflection in the water. The explanation that he died for love of his own fair image was probably devised later, after the old meaning of the story was forgotten. The same ancient belief lingers, in a faded form, in the English superstition that whoever sees a water fairy must pine and die.

 
“Alas, the moon should ever beam
To show what man should never see! —
I saw a maiden on a stream,
And fair was she!
 
 
I staid to watch, a little space,
Her parted lips if she would sing;
The waters closed above her face
With many a ring.
 
 
I know my life will fade away,
I know that I must vainly pine,
For I am made of mortal clay,
But she's divine!”
 

Reason for covering up mirrors or turning them to the wall after a death.

Further, we can now explain the widespread custom of covering up mirrors or turning them to the wall after a death has taken place in the house. It is feared that the soul, projected out of the person in the shape of his reflection in the mirror, may be carried off by the ghost of the departed, which is commonly supposed to linger about the house till the burial. The custom is thus exactly parallel to the Aru custom of not sleeping in a house after a death for fear that the soul, projected out of the body in a dream, may meet the ghost and be carried off by it.322 In Oldenburg it is thought that if a person sees his image in a mirror after a death he will die himself. So all the mirrors in the house are covered up with white cloth.323 In some parts of Germany and Belgium after a death not only the mirrors but everything that shines or glitters (windows, clocks, etc.) is covered up,324 doubtless because they might reflect a person's image. The same custom of covering up mirrors or turning them to the wall after a death prevails in England, Scotland, Madagascar,325 and among the Karaits, a Jewish sect in the Crimea.326 The Suni Mohammedans of Bombay cover with a cloth the mirror in the room of a dying man and do not remove it until the corpse is carried out for burial. They also cover the looking-glasses in their bedrooms before retiring to rest at night.327 The reason why sick people should not see themselves in a mirror, and why the mirror in a sick-room is therefore covered up,328 is also plain; in time of sickness, when the soul might take flight so easily, it is particularly dangerous to project it out of the body by means of the reflection in a mirror. The rule is therefore precisely parallel to the rule observed by some peoples of not allowing sick people to sleep;329 for in sleep the soul is projected out of the body, and there is always a risk that it may not return. “In the opinion of the Raskolniks a mirror is an accursed thing, invented by the devil,”330 perhaps on account of the mirror's supposed power of drawing out the soul in the reflection and so facilitating its capture.

 

The soul sometimes supposed to be in the portrait. This belief among the Esquimaux and American Indians.

As with shadows and reflections, so with portraits; they are often believed to contain the soul of the person portrayed. People who hold this belief are naturally loth to have their likenesses taken; for if the portrait is the soul, or at least a vital part of the person portrayed, whoever possesses the portrait will be able to exercise a fatal influence over the original of it. Thus the Esquimaux of Bering Strait believe that persons dealing in witchcraft have the power of stealing a person's inua or shade, so that without it he will pine away and die. Once at a village on the lower Yukon River an explorer had set up his camera to get a picture of the people as they were moving about among their houses. While he was focusing the instrument, the headman of the village came up and insisted on peeping under the cloth. Being allowed to do so, he gazed intently for a minute at the moving figures on the ground glass, then suddenly withdrew his head and bawled at the top of his voice to the people, “He has all of your shades in this box.” A panic ensued among the group, and in an instant they disappeared helter-skelter into their houses.331 The Dacotas hold that every man has several wanagi or “apparitions,” of which after death one remains at the grave, while another goes to the place of the departed. For many years no Yankton Dacota would consent to have his picture taken lest one of his “apparitions” should remain after death in the picture instead of going to the spirit-land.332 An Indian whose portrait the Prince of Wied wished to get, refused to let himself be drawn, because he believed it would cause his death.333 The Mandan Indians also thought that they would soon die if their portraits were in the hands of another; they wished at least to have the artist's picture as a kind of hostage.334 The Tepehuanes of Mexico stood in mortal terror of the camera, and five days' persuasion was necessary to induce them to pose for it. When at last they consented, they looked like criminals about to be executed. They believed that by photographing people the artist could carry off their souls and devour them at his leisure moments. They said that when the pictures reached his country they would die or some other evil would befall them.335 The Canelos Indians of Ecuador think that their soul is carried away in their picture. Two of them, who had been photographed, were so alarmed that they came back next day on purpose to ask if it were really true that their souls had been taken away.336 Similar notions are entertained by the Aymara Indians of Peru and Bolivia.337 The Araucanians of Chili are unwilling to have their portraits drawn, for they fancy that he who has their portraits in his possession could, by means of magic, injure or destroy themselves.338

The same belief in Africa.

 

The Yaos, a tribe of British Central Africa in the neighbourhood of Lake Nyassa, believe that every human being has a lisoka, a soul, shade, or spirit, which they appear to associate with the shadow or picture of the person. Some of them have been known to refuse to enter a room where pictures were hung on the walls, “because of the masoka, souls, in them.” The camera was at first an object of dread to them, and when it was turned on a group of natives they scattered in all directions with shrieks of terror. They said that the European was about to take away their shadows and that they would die; the transference of the shadow or portrait (for the Yao word for the two is the same, to wit chiwilili) to the photographic plate would involve the disease or death of the shadeless body. A Yao chief, after much difficulty, allowed himself to be photographed on condition that the picture should be shewn to none of his subjects, but sent out of the country as soon as possible. He feared lest some ill-wisher might use it to bewitch him. Some time afterwards he fell ill, and his attendants attributed the illness to some accident which had befallen the photographic plate in England.339 The Ngoni of the same region entertain a similar belief, and formerly exhibited a similar dread of sitting to a photographer, lest by so doing they should yield up their shades or spirits to him and they should die.340 When Joseph Thomson attempted to photograph some of the Wa-teita in eastern Africa, they imagined that he was a magician trying to obtain possession of their souls, and that if he got their likenesses they themselves would be entirely at his mercy.341 When Dr. Catat and some companions were exploring the Bara country on the west coast of Madagascar, the people suddenly became hostile. The day before the travellers, not without difficulty, had photographed the royal family, and now found themselves accused of taking the souls of the natives for the purpose of selling them when they returned to France. Denial was vain; in compliance with the custom of the country they were obliged to catch the souls, which were then put into a basket and ordered by Dr. Catat to return to their respective owners.342

The same belief in Asia and the East Indies.

Some villagers in Sikhim betrayed a lively horror and hid away whenever the lens of a camera, or “the evil eye of the box” as they called it, was turned on them. They thought it took away their souls with their pictures, and so put it in the power of the owner of the pictures to cast spells on them, and they alleged that a photograph of the scenery blighted the landscape.343 Until the reign of the late King of Siam no Siamese coins were ever stamped with the image of the king, “for at that time there was a strong prejudice against the making of portraits in any medium. Europeans who travel into the jungle have, even at the present time, only to point a camera at a crowd to procure its instant dispersion. When a copy of the face of a person is made and taken away from him, a portion of his life goes with the picture. Unless the sovereign had been blessed with the years of a Methusaleh he could scarcely have permitted his life to be distributed in small pieces together with the coins of the realm.”344 Similarly, in Corea, “the effigy of the king is not struck on the coins; only a few Chinese characters are put on them. They would deem it an insult to the king to put his sacred face on objects which pass into the most vulgar hands and often roll on the ground in the dust or the mud. When the French ships arrived for the first time in Corea, the mandarin who was sent on board to communicate with them was dreadfully shocked to see the levity with which these western barbarians treated the face of their sovereign, reproduced on the coins, and the recklessness with which they put it in the hands of the first comer, without troubling themselves in the least whether or not he would shew it due respect.”345 In Minahassa, a district of Celebes, many chiefs are reluctant to be photographed, believing that if that were done they would soon die. For they imagine that, were the photograph lost by its owner and found by somebody else, whatever injury the finder chose to do to the portrait would equally affect the person whom it represented.346 Mortal terror was depicted on the faces of the Battas upon whom von Brenner turned the lens of his camera; they thought he wished to carry off their shadows or spirits in a little box.347 When Dr. Nieuwenhuis attempted to photograph the Kayans or Bahaus of central Borneo, they were much alarmed, fearing that their souls would follow their photographs into the far country and that their deserted bodies would fall sick. Further, they imagined that possessing their likenesses the explorer would be able by magic art to work on the originals at a distance.348

The same belief in Europe.

Beliefs of the same sort still linger in various parts of Europe. Not very many years ago some old women in the Greek island of Carpathus were very angry at having their likenesses drawn, thinking that in consequence they would pine and die.349 It is a German superstition that if you have your portrait painted, you will die.350 Some people in Russia object to having their silhouettes taken, fearing that if this is done they will die before the year is out.351 In Albania Miss Durham sketched an old man who boasted of being a hundred and ten years old. When every one recognised the likeness, a look of great anxiety came over the patriarch's face, and most earnestly he besought the artist never to destroy the sketch, for he was certain that the moment the sketch was torn he would drop down dead.352 An artist in England once vainly attempted to sketch a gypsy girl. “I won't have her drawed out,” said the girl's aunt. “I told her I'd make her scrawl the earth before me, if ever she let herself be drawed out again.” “Why, what harm can there be?” “I know there's a fiz (a charm) in it. There was my youngest, that the gorja drawed out on Newmarket Heath, she never held her head up after, but wasted away, and died, and she's buried in March churchyard.”353 There are persons in the West of Scotland “who refuse to have their likenesses taken lest it prove unlucky; and give as instances the cases of several of their friends who never had a day's health after being photographed.”354

Chapter III. Tabooed Acts

§ 1. Taboos on Intercourse with Strangers

Primitive conceptions of the soul helped to mould early kingships by dictating rules to be observed by the king for his soul's salvation.

So much for the primitive conceptions of the soul and the dangers to which it is exposed. These conceptions are not limited to one people or country; with variations of detail they are found all over the world, and survive, as we have seen, in modern Europe. Beliefs so deep-seated and so widespread must necessarily have contributed to shape the mould in which the early kingship was cast. For if every person was at such pains to save his own soul from the perils which threatened it on so many sides, how much more carefully must he have been guarded upon whose life hung the welfare and even the existence of the whole people, and whom therefore it was the common interest of all to preserve? Therefore we should expect to find the king's life protected by a system of precautions or safeguards still more numerous and minute than those which in primitive society every man adopts for the safety of his own soul. Now in point of fact the life of the early kings is regulated, as we have seen and shall see more fully presently, by a very exact code of rules. May we not then conjecture that these rules are in fact the very safeguards which we should expect to find adopted for the protection of the king's life? An examination of the rules themselves confirms this conjecture. For from this it appears that some of the rules observed by the kings are identical with those observed by private persons out of regard for the safety of their souls; and even of those which seem peculiar to the king, many, if not all, are most readily explained on the hypothesis that they are nothing but safeguards or lifeguards of the king. I will now enumerate some of these royal rules or taboos, offering on each of them such comments and explanations as may serve to set the original intention of the rule in its proper light.

The general effect of these rules is to isolate the king, especially from strangers. The savage fears the magic arts of strangers and hence guards himself against them. Various modes of disenchanting strangers.

As the object of the royal taboos is to isolate the king from all sources of danger, their general effect is to compel him to live in a state of seclusion, more or less complete, according to the number and stringency of the rules he observes. Now of all sources of danger none are more dreaded by the savage than magic and witchcraft, and he suspects all strangers of practising these black arts. To guard against the baneful influence exerted voluntarily or involuntarily by strangers is therefore an elementary dictate of savage prudence. Hence before strangers are allowed to enter a district, or at least before they are permitted to mingle freely with the inhabitants, certain ceremonies are often performed by the natives of the country for the purpose of disarming the strangers of their magical powers, of counteracting the baneful influence which is believed to emanate from them, or of disinfecting, so to speak, the tainted atmosphere by which they are supposed to be surrounded. Thus, when the ambassadors sent by Justin II., Emperor of the East, to conclude a peace with the Turks had reached their destination, they were received by shamans, who subjected them to a ceremonial purification for the purpose of exorcising all harmful influence. Having deposited the goods brought by the ambassadors in an open place, these wizards carried burning branches of incense round them, while they rang a bell and beat on a tambourine, snorting and falling into a state of frenzy in their efforts to dispel the powers of evil. Afterwards they purified the ambassadors themselves by leading them through the flames.355 In the island of Nanumea (South Pacific) strangers from ships or from other islands were not allowed to communicate with the people until they all, or a few as representatives of the rest, had been taken to each of the four temples in the island, and prayers offered that the god would avert any disease or treachery which these strangers might have brought with them. Meat offerings were also laid upon the altars, accompanied by songs and dances in honour of the god. While these ceremonies were going on, all the people except the priests and their attendants kept out of sight.356 On returning from an attempted ascent of the great African mountain Kilimanjaro, which is believed by the neighbouring tribes to be tenanted by dangerous demons, Mr. New and his party, as soon as they reached the border of the inhabited country, were disenchanted by the inhabitants, being sprinkled with “a professionally prepared liquor, supposed to possess the potency of neutralising evil influences, and removing the spell of wicked spirits.”357 In the interior of Yoruba (West Africa) the sentinels at the gates of towns often oblige European travellers to wait till nightfall before they admit them, fearing that if the strangers were admitted by day the devil would enter behind them.358 The whole Mahafaly country in Madagascar used to be tabooed to strangers of the white race, the natives imagining that the intrusion of a white man would immediately cause the death of their king. The traveller Bastard had the greatest difficulty in overcoming the reluctance of the natives to allow him to enter their land and especially to visit their holy city.359 Amongst the Ot Danoms of Borneo it is the custom that strangers entering the territory should pay to the natives a certain sum, which is spent in the sacrifice of buffaloes or pigs to the spirits of the land and water, in order to reconcile them to the presence of the strangers, and to induce them not to withdraw their favour from the people of the country, but to bless the rice-harvest, and so forth.360 The men of a certain district in Borneo, fearing to look upon a European traveller lest he should make them ill, warned their wives and children not to go near him. Those who could not restrain their curiosity killed fowls to appease the evil spirits and smeared themselves with the blood.361 “More dreaded,” says a traveller in central Borneo, “than the evil spirits of the neighbourhood are the evil spirits from a distance which accompany travellers. When a company from the middle Mahakam river visited me among the Blu-u Kayans in the year 1897, no woman shewed herself outside her house without a burning bundle of plehiding bark, the stinking smoke of which drives away evil spirits.”362 In Laos, before a stranger can be accorded hospitality, the master of the house must offer sacrifice to the ancestral spirits; otherwise the spirits would be offended and would send disease on the inmates.363 When Madame Pfeiffer arrived at the village of Hali-Bonar, among the Battas of Sumatra, a buffalo was killed and the liver offered to her. Then a ceremony was performed to propitiate the evil spirits. Two young men danced, and one of them in dancing sprinkled water from a buffalo's horn on the visitor and the spectators.364 In the Mentawei Islands, when a stranger enters a house where there are children, the father or other member of the family takes the ornament which the children wear in their hair and hands it to the stranger, who holds it in his hands for a while and then gives it back to him. This is thought to protect the children from the evil effect which the sight of a stranger might have upon them.365 When a Dutch steamship was approaching their villages, the people of Biak, an island off the north coast of New Guinea, shook and knocked their idols about in order to ward off ill-luck.366 At Shepherd's Isle Captain Moresby had to be disenchanted before he was allowed to land his boat's crew. When he leaped ashore, a devil-man seized his right hand and waved a bunch of palm leaves over the captain's head. Then “he placed the leaves in my left hand, putting a small green twig into his mouth, still holding me fast, and then, as if with great effort, drew the twig from his mouth – this was extracting the evil spirit – after which he blew violently, as if to speed it away. I now held a twig between my teeth, and he went through the same process.” Then the two raced round a couple of sticks fixed in the ground and bent to an angle at the top, which had leaves tied to it. After some more ceremonies the devil-man concluded by leaping to the level of Captain Moresby's shoulders (his hands resting on the captain's shoulders) several times, “as if to show that he had conquered the devil, and was now trampling him into the earth.”367 North American Indians “have an idea that strangers, particularly white strangers, are ofttimes accompanied by evil spirits. Of these they have great dread, as creating and delighting in mischief. One of the duties of the medicine chief is to exorcise these spirits. I have sometimes ridden into or through a camp where I was unknown or unexpected, to be confronted by a tall, half-naked savage, standing in the middle of the circle of lodges, and yelling in a sing-song, nasal tone, a string of unintelligible words.”368

Disenchantment effected by means of stinging ants and pungent spices. Disenchantment effected by cuts with knives.

When Crevaux was travelling in South America he entered a village of the Apalai Indians. A few moments after his arrival some of the Indians brought him a number of large black ants, of a species whose bite is painful, fastened on palm leaves. Then all the people of the village, without distinction of age or sex, presented themselves to him, and he had to sting them all with the ants on their faces, thighs, and other parts of their bodies. Sometimes when he applied the ants too tenderly they called out “More! more!” and were not satisfied till their skin was thickly studded with tiny swellings like what might have been produced by whipping them with nettles.369 The object of this ceremony is made plain by the custom observed in Amboyna and Uliase of sprinkling sick people with pungent spices, such as ginger and cloves, chewed fine, in order by the prickling sensation to drive away the demon of disease which may be clinging to their persons.370 In Java a popular cure for gout or rheumatism is to rub Spanish pepper into the nails of the fingers and toes of the sufferer; the pungency of the pepper is supposed to be too much for the gout or rheumatism, who accordingly departs in haste.371 So on the Slave Coast of Africa the mother of a sick child sometimes believes that an evil spirit has taken possession of the child's body, and in order to drive him out, she makes small cuts in the body of the little sufferer and inserts green peppers or spices in the wounds, believing that she will thereby hurt the evil spirit and force him to be gone. The poor child naturally screams with pain, but the mother hardens her heart in the belief that the demon is suffering equally.372 In Hawaii a patient is sometimes pricked with bamboo needles for the sake of hurting and expelling a refractory demon who is lurking in the sufferer's body and making him ill.373 Dyak sorceresses in south-eastern Borneo will sometimes slash the body of a sick man with sharp knives in order, it is said, to allow the demon of disease to escape through the cuts;374 but perhaps the notion rather is to make the present quarters of the spirit too hot for him. With a similar intention some of the natives of Borneo and Celebes sprinkle rice upon the head or body of a person supposed to be infested by dangerous spirits; a fowl is then brought, which, by picking up the rice from the person's head or body, removes along with it the spirit or ghost which is clinging like a burr to his skin. This is done, for example, to persons who have attended a funeral, and who may therefore be supposed to be infested by the ghost of the deceased.375 Similarly Basutos, who have carried a corpse to the grave, have their hands scratched with a knife from the tip of the thumb to the tip of the forefinger, and magic stuff is rubbed into the wound,376 for the purpose, no doubt, of removing the ghost which may be adhering to their skin. Among the Barotse of south-eastern Africa a few days after a funeral the sorcerer makes an incision in the forehead of each surviving member of the family and fills it with medicine, “in order to ward off contagion and the effect of the sorcery which caused the death.”377 When elephant-hunters in East Africa have killed an elephant they get upon its carcase, make little cuts in their toes, and rub gunpowder into the cuts. This is done with the double intention of counteracting any evil influence that may emanate from the dead elephant, and of acquiring thereby the fleetness of foot possessed by the animal in its life.378 The people of Nias carefully scrub and scour the weapons and clothes which they buy, in order to efface all connexion between the things and the persons from whom they bought them.379

Ceremonies observed at the reception of strangers may sometimes be intended to counteract their enchantments.

It is probable that the same dread of strangers, rather than any desire to do them honour, is the motive of certain ceremonies which are sometimes observed at their reception, but of which the intention is not directly stated. In the Ongtong Java Islands, which are inhabited by Polynesians, and lie a little to the north of the Solomon Islands, the priests or sorcerers seem to wield great influence. Their main business is to summon or exorcise spirits for the purpose of averting or dispelling sickness, and of procuring favourable winds, a good catch of fish, and so on. When strangers land on the islands, they are first of all received by the sorcerers, sprinkled with water, anointed with oil, and girt with dried pandanus leaves. At the same time sand and water are freely thrown about in all directions, and the newcomer and his boat are wiped with green leaves. After this ceremony the strangers are introduced by the sorcerers to the chief.380 In Afghanistan and in some parts of Persia the traveller, before he enters a village, is frequently received with a sacrifice of animal life or food, or of fire and incense. The Afghan Boundary Mission, in passing by villages in Afghanistan, was often met with fire and incense.381 Sometimes a tray of lighted embers is thrown under the hoofs of the traveller's horse, with the words, “You are welcome.”382 On entering a village in central Africa Emin Pasha was received with the sacrifice of two goats; their blood was sprinkled on the path and the chief stepped over the blood to greet Emin.383 Before strangers entered the country or city of Benin, custom compelled them to have their feet washed; sometimes the ceremony was performed in a sacred place.384 Amongst the Esquimaux of Cumberland Inlet, when a stranger arrives at an encampment, the sorcerer goes out to meet him. The stranger folds his arms and inclines his head to one side, so as to expose his cheek, upon which the magician deals a terrible blow, sometimes felling him to the ground. Next the sorcerer in his turn presents his cheek to the smiter and receives a buffet from the stranger. Then they kiss each other, the ceremony is over, and the stranger is hospitably received by all.385 Sometimes the dread of strangers and their magic is too great to allow of their reception on any terms. Thus when Speke arrived at a certain village, the natives shut their doors against him, “because they had never before seen a white man nor the tin boxes that the men were carrying: ‘Who knows,’ they said, ‘but that these very boxes are the plundering Watuta transformed and come to kill us? You cannot be admitted.’ No persuasion could avail with them, and the party had to proceed to the next village.”386

311E. H. Mann, Aboriginal Inhabitants of the Andaman Islands, p. 94.
312T. Williams, Fiji and the Fijians,2 i. 241. However, the late Mr. Lorimer Fison wrote to me that this reported belief in a bright soul and a dark soul “is one of Williams' absurdities. I inquired into it on the island where he was, and found that there was no such belief. He took the word for ‘shadow,’ which is a reduplication of yalo, the word for soul, as meaning the dark soul. But yaloyalo does not mean the soul at all. It is not part of a man as his soul is. This is made certain by the fact that it does not take the possessive suffix yalo-na = his soul; but nona yaloyalo = his shadow. This settles the question beyond dispute. If yaloyalo were any kind of soul, the possessive form would be yaloyalona” (letter dated August 26, 1898).
313James Chalmers, Pioneering in New Guinea (London, 1887), p. 170.
314Father Lambert, Mœurs et superstitions des Néo-Calédoniens (Nouméa, 1900), pp. 45 sq.
315M. J. van Baarda, “Fabelen, Verhalen en Overleveringen der Galelareezen,” Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indië, xlv. (1895) p. 462.
316B. de Sahagun, Histoire générale des choses de la Nouvelle-Espagne (Paris, 1880), p. 314. The Chinese hang brass mirrors over the idols in their houses, because it is thought that evil spirits entering the house and seeing themselves in the mirrors will be scared away (China Review, ii. 164).
317G. Vuillier, “Chez les magiciens et les sorciers de la Corrèze,” Tour du monde, N.S. v. (1899) pp. 522, 524.
318H. Callaway, Nursery Tales, Traditions, and Histories of the Zulus (Natal and London, 1868), p. 342.
319T. Arbousset et F. Daumas, Voyage d'exploration au nord-est de la colonie du Cap de Bonne-Espérance, p. 12; T. Lindsay Fairclough, “Notes on the Basuto,” Journal of the African Society, No. 14 (January 1905), p. 201.
320R. H. Codrington, “Religious Beliefs and Practices in Melanesia,” Journ. Anthrop. Inst. x. (1881) p. 313; id., The Melanesians, p. 186.
321Fragmenta philosophorum Graecorum, ed. F. G. A. Mullach, i. 510; Artemidorus, Onirocr. ii. 7; Laws of Manu, iv. 38 (p. 135, G. Bühler's translation, Sacred Books of the East, vol. xxv.).
322See above, p. .
323A. Wuttke, Der deutsche Volksaberglaube,2 pp. 429 sq., § 726.
324A. Wuttke, l. c.; E. Monseur, Le Folklore Wallon, p. 40.
325Folk-lore Journal, iii. (1885) p. 281; T. F. Thiselton Dyer, English Folk-lore, p. 109; J. Napier, Folk-lore, or Superstitious Beliefs in the West of Scotland, p. 60; W. Ellis, History of Madagascar, i. 238. Compare A. Grandidier, “Des rites funéraires chez les Malgaches,” Revue d'Ethnographie, v. (1886) p. 215.
326S. Weissenberg, “Die Karäer der Krim,” Globus, lxxxiv. (1903) p. 143; id. “Krankheit und Tod bei den südrussischen Juden,” Globus, xci. (1907) p. 360.
327Panjab Notes and Queries, ii. p. 169, § 906.
328J. V. Grohmann, Aberglauben und Gebräuche aus Böhmen und Mähren, p. 151, § 1097; Folk-lore Journal, vi. (1888) pp. 145 sq.: Panjab Notes and Queries, ii. p. 61, § 378.
329J. G. Frazer, “On certain Burial Customs as illustrative of the Primitive Theory of the Soul,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xv. (1886) pp. 82 sqq. Among the heathen Arabs, when a man had been stung by a scorpion, he was kept from sleeping for seven days, during which he had to wear a woman's bracelets and earrings (Rasmussen, Additamenta ad historiam Arabum ante Islamismum, p. 65, compare p. 69). The old Mexican custom of masking and the images of the gods so long as the king was sick (Brasseur de Bourbourg, Histoire des nations civilisées du Mexique et de l'Amérique-Centrale, iii. 571 sq.) may perhaps have been intended to prevent the images from drawing away the king's soul.
330W. R. S. Ralston, Songs of the Russian People, p. 117. The objection, however, may be merely Puritanical. W. Robertson Smith informed me that the peculiarities of the Raskolniks are largely due to exaggerated Puritanism.
331E. W. Nelson, “The Eskimo about Bering Strait,” Eighteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, Part I. (Washington, 1899) p. 422.
332J. Owen Dorsey, “A Study of Siouan Cults,” Eleventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology (Washington, 1894), p. 484; id. “Teton Folk-lore,” American Anthropologist, ii. (1889) p. 143.
333Maximilian Prinz zu Wied, Reise in das innere Nord-America, i. 417.
334Ibid. ii. 166.
335C. Lumholtz, Unknown Mexico (London, 1903), i. 459 sq.
336A. Simson, “Notes on the Jivaros and Canelos Indians,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, ix. (1880) p. 392.
337D. Forbes, in Journal of the Ethnological Society of London, ii. (1870) p. 236.
338E. R. Smith, The Araucanians (London, 1855), p. 222.
339Rev. A. Hetherwick, “Some Animistic Beliefs among the Yaos of British Central Africa,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxii. (1902) pp. 89 sq.
340W. A. Elmslie, Among the Wild Ngoni (Edinburgh and London, 1899), pp. 70 sq.
341J. Thomson, Through Masai Land (London, 1885), p. 86.
342E. Clodd, in Folk-lore, vi. (1895) pp. 73 sq., referring to The Times of March 24, 1891.
343L. A. Waddell, Among the Himalayas (Westminster, 1899), pp. 85 sq.
344E. Young, The Kingdom of the Yellow Robe (Westminster, 1898), p. 140.
345Ch. Dallet, Histoire de l'Église de Corée (Paris, 1874), i. p. xxv. This account of Corea was written at a time when the country was still almost secluded from European influence. The events of recent years have naturally wrought great changes in the habits and ideas of the people.
346“Iets over het bijgeloof in de Minahasa,” Tijdschrift voor Nederlandsch Indië, III. Série, iv. (1870) pp. 8 sq.
347J. Freiherr von Brenner, Besuch bei den Kannibalen Sumatras (Würzburg, 1894), p. 195.
348A. W. Nieuwenhuis, Quer durch Borneo, i. 314.
349“A Far-off Greek Island,” Blackwood's Magazine, February 1886, p. 235.
350J. A. E. Köhler, Volksbrauch, Aberglauben, Sagen und andre alte Überlieferungen im Voigtlande (Leipsic, 1867), p. 423.
351W. R. S. Ralston, Songs of the Russian People, p. 117.
352Miss M. E. Durham, High Albania (London, 1909), p. 107.
353F. H. Groome, In Gipsy Tents (Edinburgh, 1880), pp. 337 sq.
354James Napier, Folk-lore, or Superstitious Beliefs in the West of Scotland, p. 142. For more examples of the same sort, see R. Andree, Ethnographische Parallelen und Vergleiche, Neue Folge (Leipsic, 1889), pp. 18 sqq.
355Menander Protector, in Fragmenta historicorum Graecorum, ed. C. Müller, iv. 227. Compare Gibbon, Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, ch. xlii. vol. vii. pp. 294 sq. (Edinburgh, 1811).
356G. Turner, Samoa, pp. 291 sq.
357Charles New, Life, Wanderings, and Labours in Eastern Africa (London, 1873), p. 432. Compare ibid. pp. 400, 402. For the demons on Mt. Kilimanjaro, see also J. L. Krapf, Travels, Researches, and Missionary Labours in Eastern Africa (London, 1860), p. 192.
358Pierre Bouche, La Côte des Esclaves et le Dahomey (Paris, 1885), p. 133.
359A. van Gennep, Tabou et totémisme à Madagascar (Paris, 1904), p. 42.
360C. A. L. M. Schwaner, Borneo (Amsterdam, 1853-54), ii. 77.
361Ibid. ii. 167.
362A. W. Nieuwenhuis, Quer durch Borneo, ii. 102.
363E. Aymonier, Notes sur le Laos (Saigon, 1885), p. 196.
364Bulletin de la Société de Géographie (Paris), IVme Série, vi. (1853) pp. 134 sq.
365H. von Rosenberg, Der malayische Archipel (Leipsic, 1878), p. 198.
366D. W. Horst, “Rapport van eene reis naar de Noordkust van Nieuw Guinea,” Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde, xxxii. (1889) p. 229.
367Capt. John Moresby, Discoveries and Surveys in New Guinea (London, 1876), pp. 102 sq.
368R. I. Dodge, Our Wild Indians (Hartford, Conn., 1886), p. 119.
369J. Crevaux, Voyages dans l'Amérique du Sud (Paris, 1883), p. 300.
370J. G. F. Riedel, De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes en Papua, p. 78.
371J. Kreemer, “Hoe de Javaan zijne zieken verzorgt,” Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap, xxxvi. (1892) p. 13. Mr. E. W. Lewis, of Woodthorpe, Atkins Rood, Clapham Park, London, S.W., writes to me (July 2, 1902) that his grandmother, a native of Cheshire, used to make bees sting her as a cure for local rheumatism; she said the remedy was infallible and had been handed down to her from her mother.
372Father Baudin, “Le Fétichisme,” Missions Catholiques, xvi. (1884) p. 249; A. B. Ellis, The Yoruba-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast (London, 1894), pp. 113 sq.
373A. Bastian, Allerlei aus Volks- und Menschenkunde (Berlin, 1888), i. 116.
374J. B. de Callone, “Iets over de geneeswijze en ziekten der Daijakers ter Zuid Oostkust van Borneo,” Tijdschrift voor Neêrlands Indie, 1840, dl. i. p. 418.
375M. T. H. Perelaer, Ethnographische Beschrijving der Dajaks, pp. 44, 54, 252; B. F. Matthes, Bijdragen tot de Ethnologie van Zuid-Celebes (The Hague, 1875), p. 49.
376H. Grützner, “Über die Gebräuche der Basutho,” in Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, Ethnologie, und Urgeschichte, 1877, pp. 84 sq.
377L. Decle, Three Years in Savage Africa (London, 1898), p. 81.
378P. Reichard, Deutsch-Ostafrika (Leipsic, 1892), p. 431.
379Nieuwenhuisen en Rosenberg, “Verslag omtrent het eiland Nias,” in Verhandelingen van het Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen, xxx. (Batavia, 1863) p. 26.
380R. Parkinson, “Zur Ethnographie der Ontong Java- und Tasman-Inseln,” Internationales Archiv für Ethnographie, x. (1897) p. 112.
381T. S. Weir, “Note on Sacrifices in India as a Means of averting Epidemics,” Journal of the Anthropological Society of Bombay, i. 35.
382E. O'Donovan, The Merv Oasis (London, 1882), ii. 58.
383Emin Pasha in Central Africa, being a Collection of his Letters and Journals (London, 1888), p. 107.
384H. Ling Roth, Great Benin (Halifax, England, 1903), p. 123.
385Narrative of the Second Arctic Expedition made by Charles F. Hall, edited by Prof. J. G. Nourse, U.S.N. (Washington, 1879), p. 269, note. Compare Fr. Boas, “The Central Eskimo,” Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology (Washington, 1888), p. 609.
386J. A. Grant, A Walk across Africa, pp. 104 sq.