The Native Races [of the Pacific states], Volume 5, Primitive History

REVOLT OF THE PLEBEIANS

Xebalax and Xecamac are the names of the place where they took possession of the power, at the time when they assembled their rank, and that took place at Chulimal. Behold the nomination, the installation, and the recognition of the twenty Galels, and the twenty Ahpops who were installed by the Ahpop and the Ahpop Camha, by the Galel and the Ahtzic Winak. All the Galel-Ahpops entered into their rank, eleven Nim-Chocoh, Galel-Ahpop, Galel-Zakik, Galel-Achih, Rahpop-Ahih, Rahtzalam-Achih, Utzam-Achih, titles of the warriors which they obtained when they were nominated and titled on their thrones and on their principalities, they who were the chiefs of the vassals of the Quiché nation, its sentinels and spies, its chiefs of the lances and chiefs of the slings, the ramparts, the walls, and the towers which defended Quiché. Thus also did the people of Tamub and Ilocab, the chiefs of the people in each locality having seized the power and caused themselves to be titled. Such was the origin of the Galel-Ahpops and of the titles that now exist in each of these places; such was their source, when they sprang up at the hands of the Ahpop and the Ahpop Camha, as also of the Galel and of the Ahtzic Winak, from whom they derived their existence."⁹²²

From the preceding narrative we learn that Quicab by his skill in war and the valor of his armies extended the imperial Quiché power far beyond its former limits, subjecting to the monarch of Utatlan nearly the whole of Guatemala; and also that later in his reign he was forced by a combination of his vassal chieftains, to whom military power had been entrusted during his conquests, to reorganize his government, and to bestow on these chieftains of the people nobility, and practically the control of the empire. With this political revolution the record as presented by the Popol Vuh ceases, the remainder of the document being devoted to a description of Quiché institutions already given in another volume of this work. Whether a portion of the original work has been lost, or the Quiché history was deemed by the author to have ceased with the humiliation of the ancient nobility by their forced association with plebeian chiefs, it is impossible to determine. Ximenez in his account of the Quiché kings devotes five lines to Quicab and Cavizimah, whom, however, he unites in one person.⁹²³ For additional details of Quicab's reign and the political changes which marked it, as well as for all subsequent Guatemalan history, we have only the Cakchiquel record,⁹²⁴ with slight information from other documents, as presented in the history of Brasseur de Bourbourg, together with the work of Juarros, whose version of Quicab's reign has already been presented.

TYRANNY OF QUICAB I

We left Chiyoc Queh, the Cakchiquel monarch, endeavoring to restore the former glory of his nation by re-uniting its scattered tribes under one head. The Zotzil-Tukuches were the only tribe that refused to recognize his royal authority, and at last the Cakchiquel monarch applied to the Quiché king for aid. Quicab and Cavizimah had just succeeded to the throne of Utatlan, probably early in the fifteenth century. They sent an army and routed the Zotziles, plundering and burning their towns and putting the inhabitants to death without mercy. They did not stop here, however, but forced Xiquitzal and Rahamun, who succeeded Chiyoc Queh on the Cakchiquel throne, to give up their sovereign rights and submit to become vassal lords, such of the people as resisted being massacred, sacrificed, or sold as slaves. The Mames met with the same treatment, their strongest towns including Zakuleu and Xelahuh (Huehuetenango and Quezaltenango) being forced to yield to the armies of Utatlan. Then the Rabinals and Pokomams were conquered, and no power was left that could make any resistance. Quicab claimed to be absolute monarch of the whole Guatemalan country; he admitted no allied kings paying homage and a nominal tribute as they had done under the reign of his predecessors, but reduced all rulers to the condition of royal governors entirely subject to his command. Few kings would submit to such conditions and most were consequently removed to make room for governors appointed by the Quiché emperor. In his efforts to subordinate all rank and power to his own personal sovereignty, he naturally arrayed the nobility of even the Quiché royal families against himself, and the means adopted to humble the ancient aristocracy were the appointment to high positions in the army of plebeian officers distinguished for their valor, and the humiliation of the noble officers on every possible occasion. The new chieftains were called Achihab, and so numerous did they become and so highly were they favored and stimulated against the nobles, that they soon possessed, and fully realized their possession of, the controlling power in the empire. In his efforts to humiliate one class, Quicab had created another which he could not control by force and which he had zealously educated to disregard all authority based on noble birth.

The Achihab, no longer content with military rank, aspired to the higher dignities of the court; the people were naturally enthusiastic in favor of their chiefs and were by them encouraged to question the authority of their king over them. Soon a deputation was sent to the court to demand certain reforms in favor of the people, including an abolition of personal service and labor on the highways. Quicab scornfully refused the petition of the popular chiefs, and his court was soon abandoned by the Achihab as it had long been by most of the nobles. Two of his sons, Tatayac and Ahytza, joined the Achihab in the revolt, promising them all the property and titles of the nobility in case of success, and being promised in turn the inheritance of the throne with the palaces, slaves, and wealth pertaining thereto. Quicab, in his extremity, applied for aid to the very nobility he had so oppressed, and seems to have received their zealous support, for notwithstanding the treatment they had suffered at the hands of the monarch, they saw plainly that with the success of the rebels all their prestige would be entirely destroyed. By the advice of the assembled nobles the leaders of the Achihab, including those who had composed the deputation demanding reforms, were seized and put to death. This caused an immediate rising of the people, who, incited by their chiefs, and by the descendants of the Tamub and Ilocab, invaded Utatlan, pillaged the royal palaces, and almost annihilated by massacre the ancient nobility. The king happened to be in a neighboring town at the time, and his life was spared at the intercession of his sons; but he was kept a prisoner while the rebel chieftains assembled in council as already narrated in the Popol Vuh, to reconstruct the monarchy and to choose from their own number the many lords that have been mentioned. At the close of their deliberations the king and the surviving nobles of the royal families were obliged to ratify the appointments at Chuliman, where the new lords were installed with great ceremony. The Ahpop and Ahpop Camha, seem, however, to have been left nominally in possession of their royal rank, although the power was practically taken from them.

WAR WITH THE CAKCHIQUELS

A quarrel broke out between the Quichés and the Cakchiquels residing in or near Utatlan, and the chiefs of the latter, Vucubatz and Huntoh, although particular friends of Quicab, were forced to flee from the city to avoid death at the hands of the Achihab. During their flight, however, accompanied by a large band of followers, they committed great ravages in the Quiché lands until they arrived at the Cakchiquel capital of Tecpan Quauhtemalan, or Iximché. On their arrival they assembled the nobles, and every preparation was made to resist the Quichés, who, it was thought, would not long delay an attack. The Cakchiquels determined to shake off the Quiché yoke; Vucubatz and Huntoh were raised to the throne, with the titles of Ahpozotzil and Ahpoxahil, borne by their successors down to the Conquest. The war began by the defeat of a Quiché army sent to punish the Cakchiquels for their warlike demonstrations. Other nations were ready to follow the example of the Cakchiquels; the Zotziles, Tzendales, Quelenes, Mames, Rabinals, Zutugils, and Ah-Tziquinihayi declared their independence, and many of these peoples not only threw off their allegiance to Quicab, but were further divided into independent bands or cities.

The Cakchiquel monarchy soon extended over nearly all of Guatemala south of Lake Atitlan and of the Rio Motagua, including many Pokomam districts, thus not only becoming independent of the crown of Utatlan, but also acquiring for itself the balance of power in the whole country, so long held by the Quichés. Quicab, now the mere tool of the Achihab, made little or no resistance, and was forced to see his nation reduced to a secondary position, her territory being constantly diminished by the revolt of new provinces and cities. It is said, however, by the author of the Cakchiquel document, that the Achihab had been restrained from attacking their rivals in the south by the influence of Quicab, who was friendly to the Cakchiquel kings, but this seems hardly probable. It is much more likely that the Achihab did not attack Vucubatz and Huntoh because all their power was required to repress hostile demonstrations nearer home. The idea of popular rights which had robbed Quicab of his greatness and raised the vassal chiefs to power was as dangerous and unmanageable for the new as for the old nobility.

About the middle of the fifteenth century the Quiché and Cakchiquel rulers died and were succeeded, the former by Tepepul II. and Iztayul III., the latter by Oxlahuh-Tzy and Lahuh-Ah. The Ahpoxahil, or second in rank at Iximché, however, lived only a few years, and was followed by his son Cablahuh-Tihax. Immediately after the change of rulers war was declared between the two nations, and at a time when the Cakchiquels were weakened by a famine resulting from a failure of crops, the Quiché army marched against Iximché. The kings Tepepul II. and Iztayul III., accompanied the army, escorting the idol of their god Tohil; but their forces were routed with great loss after a terrific contest, near the Cakchiquel capital; both kings with the idol fell into the hands of the enemy, and nothing farther is recorded of their lives. Ximenez⁹²⁵ puts the revolt of the Cakchiquels and the establishment of their monarchy in the reign of these kings instead of that of Quicab; and he also mentions a successful revolt of the tribes of Sacatepeques against the Cakchiquels, and the arrival of a band of Pokomams from Salvador, who were given lands within the limits of the two kingdoms. The two captive monarchs may have been put to death by their captors, so that it is not certain that Iztayul III. ever held a higher rank than that of Ahpop Camha.

LATER KINGS AT UTATLAN

Tecum, Tepepul II., Vahxaki-Caam, and Quicab II. followed on the throne of Utatlan down to the beginning of the sixteenth century, but nothing is known of their reigns, and the Quichés seem to have had but little to do with Guatemalan events beyond the limits of their own territory during this period. Juarros, however – and it is to be noted that this author gives no intimation of any serious reverses to the Quiché monarchy – attributes to Quicab II. a successful campaign against the Mames, undertaken because his own territory was found to be overcrowded with the increasing numbers of his subjects, and because the Mames were a miserable people, who should be content with less territory. At the report of Quicab's warlike preparations, all the surrounding nations made ready for defence, not knowing on which of themselves the blow was to fall. The lord of the Mames, Lahuhquieh by name, marched boldly to meet the Quiché army under the command of the king. The battle lasted all day, with no decisive advantage on either side; but during the night Quicab gained a commanding position on a hill, from the summit of which, at sunrise, a storm of stones and arrows was showered upon the foe. Lahuhquieh was soon defeated – the lord of Iximché, as is said, aiding in his overthrow – and his people were driven from their possessions to the northern mountains.⁹²⁶

About all that is known of the kings that reigned at Utatlan from the death of Quicab II., probably about the beginning of the sixteenth century, down to 1524, is their names as given by the Popol Vuh, Vucub-Noh, Cavatepech, Oxib-Quieh, and Beleheb Tzi, the last two being respectively Ahpop and Ahpop Camha at the arrival of Pedro de Alvarado. Juarros names as kings for a corresponding period, Iximché, Kicab III., Kicab IV., Kicab Tanub, Tecum Umam, Chignaviucelut, and Sequechul. This author finds it recorded that during the reign of Kicab Tanub an envoy arrived from Montezuma II., of Mexico, announcing the presence of the Spaniards, and his own imprisonment, news which caused the Quichés to make active preparations for defence. Juarros also relates that Ahuitzotl, king of Mexico, after many unsuccessful attempts to conquer Guatemala, sent an embassy to the different kings, ostensibly to form an alliance with them, but as the southern rulers believed, to study the country and the best means of attack; the embassadors were consequently driven out of the country. The arguments of this and other authors, that Guatemala was never subjected to Mexican rule need not be repeated, since there is absolutely no evidence in support of such a subjection.⁹²⁷

The Cakchiquel record⁹²⁸ gives some additional information respecting the later period of Guatemalan aboriginal history. The Cakchiquel monarch Oxlahuh-Tzy seems to have been disposed to follow the example of Quicab at Utatlan, by humbling the pride of his vassal kings, and taking from them all real power. Among the most powerful of his allies were the Akahales of Sacatapeques under Ychal-Amollac. This ruler was summoned before the royal tribunal at Iximché on some pretext and was put to death as soon as he appeared in the judgment-hall; the domain of the Akahales was annexed to the possessions of the Cakchiquel monarch, and placed under the government of officers who were that king's creatures. The natural consequence of Oxlahuh-Tzy's ambition was the formation of a league against him by powerful tribes unwilling to surrender their independence. Among these were the Ah-Tziquinihayi of Atitlan under Wookaok, and the Caokeb under Beleheb Gih; the latter, however, were conquered by the victorious king of Iximché. About this time internal dissensions were added to the external combination against Oxlahuh-Tzy. The Cakchiquels at Iximché were divided into two branches, the Zotziles and the Tukuches, and the leader of the latter, Cay-Hunahpu took advantage of the ill-feeling produced by the king's oppressive measures against the nobility, to revolt with his partisans, leaving the capital and fortifying his new position near by. Here he awaited the movements of the revolting tribes which were leagued against the Cakchiquels, believing they would take advantage of his secession to attack Iximché, and hoping by aiding their attack and granting their independence, to place himself on the throne. The tribes in question and others did take advantage of Cay-Hunahpu's secession, not however to attack the capital and thus lend themselves to that chief's ambitious projects, but to declare their independence, establish governments of their own, and to make preparations for the defence of their homes. The revolting provinces included that of Sacatapeques as already mentioned by Ximenez, and the seigniories of Tzolola, Mixco, Yampuk, and Papuluka, established at this time, maintained their independence of Cakchiquel control down to the conquest, except perhaps Mixco.

REVOLT OF CAY-HUNAHPU

Cay Hunahpu, disappointed in the movements of his allies, attacked Iximché with the Tukuches under his command, but his partisans were routed, most of them being killed and the remainder fleeing to distant provinces; while the leader was also among the slain. Thus Oxlahuh-Tzy was still victorious, but was in no condition to attempt the reduction of the rebel provinces; for new internal troubles soon broke out. Cinahitoh, one of his bravest commanders in the last war, but apparently of plebeian birth, demanded the rank of Ahtzih Winak made vacant by the death of Cay-Hunahpu, but his claim was rejected, the office given to Ahmoxnag, and the brave Cinahitoh was put to death. The successful candidate was also executed for treason within a year. Oxlahuh-Tzy continued in his policy of opposition to the nobles, and even succeeded in regaining a few of the weaker tribes that had thrown off their allegiance to his throne. In a war with the Akahales it is recorded that a band of Yaqui, or Mexicans, probably traders, took part against the Cakchiquels.

PROPHECY OF DISASTER

About 1501 a defeat of the Zutugils and the capture of their stronghold of Zakcab by the Cakchiquel king is recorded; and about the same time the Ah-Tziquinihayi under Wookaok were besieged in Atitlan, but succeeded in defeating the invaders. Respecting the last epoch of Cakchiquel history, Juarros says: "The Cakchiquel king, Nimahuinac, also enjoyed for a long time the promised tranquility, having made peace and a perpetual alliance with the Pipiles; but this king having made his near relative Acpocaquil treasurer of his tributes, this traitor seized upon the city of Patinamit, now Tecpan Guatemala (Iximché) and all the country subject to that Cakchiquel stronghold; and the Zutugil king having declared himself an ally of the rebel Acpocaquil, an obstinate war was waged between these two lords, which lasted down to the arrival of the Spaniards. And it even seems that this was the reason why Sinacam, who had succeeded to the throne of the Cakchiquels, summoned and received peacefully the Spaniards, in order to regain by their aid the great possessions of which Acpocaquil, aided by the king of Atitlan, had despoiled him."⁹²⁹ The Guatemalans were not left altogether without warnings of the Spaniards' coming, for as early as the reign of Quicab II. – which, however, was after the Spaniards were actually on the American coasts – Ximenez relates that the son of the Cakchiquel king, a great sorcerer, was wont to visit the Quiché cities by night, insulting the king with opprobrious epithets, and disturbing his rest. Great rewards were offered for his capture, and at last he was taken and brought bound into Quicab's presence, where preparations were made for his sacrifice, when, addressing the assembly the captive spoke as follows: "Wait a little and hear what I wish to say to you; know that a time is to come in which you will be in despair by reason of the calamities that are to come upon you; and this mama-caixon, 'miserable old man,' (the king) must die; and know that certain men, not naked like you, but armed from head to foot, will come, and these will be terrible and cruel men, sons of Teja; perhaps this will be to-morrow, or day after to-morrow, and they will destroy all these edifices, which will become the habitations of owls and wildcats, and then will come to an end all the grandeur of this court." Thus having spoken, he was sacrificed to the gods.⁹³⁰

At the beginning of the sixteenth century, three rival and hostile monarchies ruled Guatemala, that of the Quichés at Utatlan, under Vucub-Noh and Cavatepech, probably the Kicab Tanub of Fuentes; that of the Cakchiquels at Iximché, under Oxlahuh-Tzy and Cablahuh-Tihax; and that of the Zutugils at Atitlan, under Wookaok. The condition of the Cakchiquel and Zutugil powers has already been portrayed so far as there is any information extant on the subject. The Quiché monarchy had recovered in a certain sense a large part of its former power. The Achihab had shrewdly kept the descendants of the ancient kings on the throne, and thus secured something of the friendship and respect of the scattered lords. True, these lords maintained their independence of the king of Utatlan, but so long as their privileges were not interfered with they were still Quiché allies against the hated Cakchiquels and all other foreign powers. So with all the independent tribes in the country, who, although admitting no control on the part of either monarch, were at heart allies of one of them against the others. Thus the ancient empire had been practically divided into three, each with its allied kingdoms or seigniories, of which three that of the Zutugils and Ah-Tziquinihayi at Atitlan, was much less powerful and extensive than the others.

There is no doubt that during this final period of Guatemalan history the Mexican traders, who constantly visited the cities of the coast in large caravans for commercial purposes, and who became, as we have seen, practically the masters of Soconusco, exerted an influence also in the politics of the interior. We have seen the prominent part this class played in the conquest of provinces north of the isthmus, and there is much evidence that they were already making their observations and laying plans, by mixing themselves in the quarrels of the Quichés and Cakchiquels, which might have brought the whole country under the Aztec rulers, had it not been for the coming of the Spaniards, which broke up so many cunningly devised plans in America. I have already noticed the expulsion of ambassadors seeking ostensibly an alliance with the southern powers, recorded by Juarros, and also the Mexican aid said to have been furnished the Akahales against the Cakchiquels.

Oxlahuh-Tzy died about 1510, and his colleague two years later, leaving the Cakchiquel throne to Hunyg and Lahuh-Noh. Early in the reign of these kings there came from Mexico the embassy already spoken of in a preceding chapter⁹³¹ as having been sent by Montezuma II. probably to obtain information respecting the strangers on the eastern coast, and to consult with the southern monarchs about the best method of treating the new-comers. It is possible also, that the political designs alluded to above had something to do with the embassy, and Brasseur believes that the Mexicans and Cakchiquels formed at this time an alliance offensive and defensive against all foes. War broke out immediately afterwards between the Cakchiquels and Quichés, and lasted almost uninterruptedly for seven years, with no decisive results in favor of either party, although the Cakchiquels, who acted for the most part on the offensive, seem to have had the best of the struggle.

RAVAGES OF THE SMALL-POX

In 1514, while the war still continued, immense numbers of locusts caused a famine in the Cakchiquel dominions, and in the same year the city of Iximché was almost entirely destroyed by fire. In 1519 the war was suspended, perhaps on receipt of the news brought by the envoy already mentioned, that the Spaniards had landed at Vera Cruz. Omens of sinister import appeared here as at the north, one of the most notable being the appearance of a ball of fire which appeared every evening for many days in the east, and followed the course of the sun until it set in the west. The famous black stone in the temple of Cahbaha was found, when the priests went to consult it in this emergency, broken in two pieces. In 1520 there came upon the Cakchiquels an epidemic cholera morbus, accompanied by a fatal affection of the blood which carried off large numbers, but which were as nothing in their ravages compared with the small-pox which raged in 1521, contracted as is supposed, from the Nahua tribes of the coast region. One half of the whole Cakchiquel population are estimated to have fallen victims to this pestilence, including the two monarchs, who were succeeded by Belehe Qat and Cahi Imox. Whether the pestilence also raged among the Quichés is not known; but the monarchs of Utatlan renewed their hostilities at this time, and the Cakchiquels, weakened by disease and famine, harassed by rebellious vassals, and now attacked again by a powerful foe, adopted the desperate resort of sending an embassy to Mexico to demand the aid of the Spaniards, advised to this course doubtless by their Mexican allies. The reply was the promise that relief would soon be sent. In the meantime two Cakchiquel campaigns are recorded, one most successful in aid of the rulers of Atitlan against insurgents, and the other, less favorable in its results, in aid of the Ah-Tziquinihayi of Pacawal.

The news of the Cakchiquel alliance with the Spaniards caused the most bitter indignation, not only at Utatlan, where Oxib-Quieh and Beleheb Tzy had succeeded to the throne, but among all the tribes of the country, which seem to have formed a combination against the monarchs of Iximché, and to have already begun hostilities when, in February 1524, the approach of Pedro de Alvarado was announced. The details of Alvarado's conquest belong to another history; but in general terms, after having marched – not without opposition – through Soconusco, he defeated the native forces that attempted to check his progress on the banks of the Rio Tilapa, the Guatemalan frontier line, and advanced against the allied forces that had assembled from all directions in the region of Xelahuh, or Quezaltenango, under the command of Tecum, the Nim Chocoh Cawek of the Quiché monarchy. The two battles which decided the fate of the Quichés were fought near Xelahuh and Totonicapan, so that at Utatlan Alvarado met no open resistance, but was invited to enter the city, the plan being to burn the city and the Spaniards with it. The plot was discovered and the Ahpop and Ahpop Camha burned alive in punishment for their intentions, the city then being burned by the invaders. After the fall of Utatlan, Alvarado marched to Iximché, where he was kindly received by the Cakchiquel kings, and where he established his headquarters for the conquest of other nations, beginning with the Zutugils.⁹³²