The History of England, from the Accession of James II — Volume 4

161 (return)

[ Evelyn, March 16. 1683]

162 (return)

[ See the State Trials.]

163 (return)

[ Pepys's Diary, April 2. and May 10 1669.]

164 (return)

[ Tench's Modest and Just Apology for the East India Company, 1690.]

165 (return)

[ Some Remarks on the Present State of the East India Company's Affairs, 1690; Hamilton's New Account of the East Indies.]

166 (return)

[ White's Account of the East India Trade, 1691; Pierce Butler's Tale, 1691.]

167 (return)

[ White's Account of the Trade to the East Indies, 1691; Hamilton's New Account of the East Indies; Sir John Wyborne to Pepys from Bombay, Jan. 7. 1688.]

168 (return)

[ London Gazette, Feb. 16/26 1684.]

169 (return)

[ Hamilton's New Account of the East Indies.]

170 (return)

[ Papillon was of course reproached with his inconsistency. Among the pamphlets of that time is one entitled "A Treatise concerning the East India Trade, wrote at the instance of Thomas Papillon, Esquire, and in his House, and printed in the year 1680, and now reprinted for the better Satisfaction of himself and others."]

171 (return)

[ Commons' Journals, June 8. 1689.]

172 (return)

[ Among the pamphlets in which Child is most fiercely attacked are Some Remarks on the Present State of the East India Company's Affairs, 1690; fierce Butler's Tale, 1691; and White's Account of the Trade to the East Indies, 1691.]

173 (return)

[ Discourse concerning the East India Trade, showing it to be unprofitable to the Kingdom, by Mr. Cary; pierce Butler's Tale, representing the State of the Wool Case, or the East India Case truly stated, 1691. Several petitions to the same effect will be found in the Journals of the House of Commons.]

174 (return)

[ Reasons against establishing an East India Company with a joint Stock, exclusive to all others, 1691.]

175 (return)

[ The engagement was printed, and has been several times reprinted. As to Skinners' Hall, see Seymour's History of London, 1734]

176 (return)

[ London Gazette, May 11. 1691; White's Account of the East India Trade.]

177 (return)

[ Commons' Journals, Oct. 28. 1691.]

178 (return)

[ Ibid. Oct. 29. 1691.]

179 (return)

[ Rowe, in the Biter, which was damned, and deserved to be so, introduced an old gentleman haranguing his daughter thus: "Thou hast been bred up like a virtuous and a sober maiden; and wouldest thou take the part of a profane wretch who sold his stock out of the Old East India Company?"]

180 (return)

[ Hop to the States General, Oct 30/Nov. 9 1691.]

181 (return)

[ Hop mentions the length and warmth of the debates; Nov. 12/22. 1691. See the Commons' Journals, Dec. 17. and 18.]

182 (return)

[ Commons' Journals, Feb 4. and 6. 1691.]

183 (return)

[ Ibid. Feb. 11. 1691.]

184 (return)

[ The history of this bill is to be collected from the bill itself, which is among the Archives of the Upper House, from the Journals of the two Houses during November and December 1690, and January 1691; particularly from the Commons' Journals of December 11. and January 13. and 25., and the Lords' Journals of January 20. and 28. See also Grey's Debates.]

185 (return)

[ The letter, dated December 1. 1691, is in the Life of James, ii. 477.]

186 (return)

[ Burnet, ii. 85.; and Burnet MS. Harl. 6584. See also a memorial signed by Holmes, but consisting of intelligence furnished by Ferguson, among the extracts from the Nairne Papers, printed by Macpherson. It bears date October 1691. "The Prince of Orange," says Holmes, "is mortally hated by the English. They see very fairly that he hath no love for them; neither doth he confide in them, but all in his Dutch... It's not doubted but the Parliament will not be for foreigners to ride them with a caveson."]

187 (return)

[ Evelyn's Diary, Jan. 24.; Hop to States General, Jan 22/Feb 1 1691; Bader to States General, Feb. 16/26]

188 (return)

[ The words of James are these; they were written in November 1692:—"Mes amis, l'annee passee, avoient dessein de me rappeler par le Parlement. La maniere etoit concertee; et Milord Churchill devoit proposer dans le Parlement de chasser tous les etrangers tant des conseils et de l'armee que du royaume. Si le Prince d'Orange avoit consenti a cette proposition ils l'auroient eu entre leurs mains. S'il l'avoit refusee, il auroit fait declarer le Parlement contre lui; et en meme temps Milord Churchill devoir se declarer avec l'armee pour le Parlement; et la flotte devoit faire de meme; et l'on devoit me rappeler. L'on avoit deja commence d'agir dans ce projet; et on avoit gagne un gros parti, quand quelques fideles sujets indiscrets, croyant me servir, et s'imaginant que ce que Milord Churchill faisoit n'etoit pas pour moi, mais pour la Princesse de Danemarck, eurent l'imprudence de decouvrir le tout a Benthing, et detournerent ainsi le coup."

A translation of this most remarkable passage, which at once solves many interesting and perplexing problems, was published eighty years ago by Macpherson. But, strange to say, it attracted no notice, and has never, as far as I know, been mentioned by any biographer of Marlborough.

The narrative of James requires no confirmation; but it is strongly confirmed by the Burnet MS. Harl. 6584. "Marleburrough," Burnet wrote in September 1693, "set himself to decry the King's conduct and to lessen him in all his discourses, and to possess the English with an aversion to the Dutch, who, as he pretended, had a much larger share of the King's favour and confidence than they,"—the English, I suppose,—"had. This was a point on which the English, who are too apt to despise all other nations, and to overvalue themselves, were easily enough inflamed. So it grew to be the universal subject of discourse, and was the constant entertainment at Marleburrough's, where there was a constant randivous of the English officers." About the dismission of Marlborough, Burnet wrote at the same time: "The King said to myself upon it that he had very good reason to believe that he had made his peace with King James and was engaged in a correspondence with France. It is certain he was doing all he could to set on a faction in the army and the nation against the Dutch."

It is curious to compare this plain tale, told while the facts were recent, with the shuffling narrative which Burnet prepared for the public eye many years later, when Marlborough was closely united to the Whigs, and was rendering great and splendid services to the country. Burnet, ii. 90.

The Duchess of Marlborough, in her Vindication, had the effrontery to declare that she "could never learn what cause the King assigned for his displeasure." She suggests that Young's forgery may have been the cause. Now she must have known that Young's forgery was not committed till some months after her husband's disgrace. She was indeed lamentably deficient in memory, a faculty which is proverbially said to be necessary to persons of the class to which she belonged. Her own volume convicts her of falsehood. She gives us a letter from Mary to Anne, in which Mary says, "I need not repeat the cause my Lord Marlborough has given the King to do what he has done." These words plainly imply that Anne had been apprised of the cause. If she had not been apprised of the cause would she not have said so in her answer? But we have her answer; and it contains not a word on the subject. She was then apprised of the cause; and is it possible to believe that she kept it a secret from her adored Mrs. Freeman?]

189 (return)

[ My account of these transactions I have been forced to take from the narrative of the Duchess of Marlborough, a narrative which is to be read with constant suspicion, except when, as is often the case, she relates some instance of her own malignity and insolence.]

190 (return)

[ The Duchess of Marlborough's Vindication; Dartmouth's Note on Burnet, ii. 92.; Verses of the Night Bellman of Piccadilly and my Lord Nottingham's Order thereupon, 1691. There is a bitter lampoon on Lady Marlborough of the same date, entitled The Universal Health, a true Union to the Queen and Princess.]

191 (return)

[ It must not be supposed that Anne was a reader of Shakspeare. She had no doubt, often seen the Enchanted Island. That miserable rifacimento of the Tempest was then a favourite with the town, on account of the machinery and the decorations.]

192 (return)

[ Burnet MS. Harl. 6584.]

193 (return)

[ The history of an abortive attempt to legislate on this subject may be studied in the Commons' Journals of 1692/3.]

194 (return)

[ North's Examen,]

195 (return)

[ North's Examen; Ward's London Spy; Crosby's English Baptists, vol. iii. chap. 2.]

196 (return)

[ The history of this part of Fuller's life I have taken from his own narrative.]

197 (return)

[ Commons' Journals, Dec. 2. and 9. 1691; Grey's Debates.]

198 (return)

[ Commons' Journals, Jan. 4. 1691/2 Grey's Debates.]

199 (return)

[ Commons' Journals, Feb. 22, 23, and 24. 1691/2.]

200 (return)

[ Fuller's Original Letters of the late King James and others to his greatest Friends in England.]

201 (return)

[ Burnet, ii. 86. Burnet had evidently forgotten what the bill contained. Ralph knew nothing about it but what he had learned from Burnet. I have scarcely seen any allusion to the subject in any of the numerous Jacobite lampoons of that day. But there is a remarkable passage in a pamphlet which appeared towards the close of William's reign, and which is entitled The Art of Governing by Parties. The writer says, "We still want an Act to ascertain some fund for the salaries of the judges; and there was a bill, since the Revolution, past both Houses of Parliament to this purpose; but whether it was for being any way defective or otherwise that His Majesty refused to assent to it, I cannot remember. But I know the reason satisfied me at that time. And I make no doubt but he'll consent to any good bill of this nature whenever 'tis offered." These words convinced me that the bill was open to some grave objection which did not appear in the title, and which no historian had noticed. I found among the archives of the House of Lords the original parchment, endorsed with the words "Le Roy et La Royne s'aviseront." And it was clear at the first glance what the objection was.]

There is a hiatus in that part of Narcissus Luttrell's Diary which relates to this matter. "The King," he wrote, "passed ten public bills and thirty-four private ones, and rejected that of the—"]

As to the present practice of the House of Commons in such cases, see Hatsell's valuable work, ii. 356. I quote the edition of 1818. Hatsell says that many bills which affect the interest of the Crown may be brought in without any signification of the royal consent, and that it is enough if the consent be signified on the second reading, or even later; but that, in a proceeding which affects the hereditary revenue, the consent must be signified in the earliest stage.]

202 (return)

[ The history of these ministerial arrangements I have taken chiefly from the London Gazette of March 3. and March 7. 1691/2 and from Narcissus Luttrell's Diary for that month. Two or three slight touches are from contemporary pamphlets.]

203 (return)

[ William to Melville, May 22. 1690.]

204 (return)

[ See the preface to the Leven and Melville Papers. I have given what I believe to be a true explanation of Burnet's hostility to Melville. Melville's descendant who has deserved well of all students of history by the diligence and fidelity with which he has performed his editorial duties, thinks that Burnet's judgment was blinded by zeal for Prelacy and hatred of Presbyterianism. This accusation will surprise and amuse English High Churchmen.]

205 (return)

[ Life of James, ii. 468, 469.]

206 (return)

[ Burnet, ii. 88.; Master of Stair to Breadalbane, Dee. 2. 1691.]

207 (return)

[ Burnet, i. 418.]

208 (return)

[ Crawford to Melville, July 23. 1689; The Master of Stair to Melville, Aug. 16. 1689; Cardross to Melville, Sept. 9. 1689; Balcarras's Memoirs; Annandale's Confession, Aug. i4. 1690.]

209 (return)

[ Breadalbane to Melville, Sept. 17. 1690.]

210 (return)

[ The Master of Stair to Hamilton, Aug. 17/27. 1691; Hill to Melville, June 26. 1691; The Master of Stair to Breadalbane, Aug. 24. 1691.]

211 (return)

[ "The real truth is, they were a branch of the Macdonalds (who were a brave courageous people always), seated among the Campbells, who (I mean the Glencoe men) are all Papists, if they have any religion, were always counted a people much given to rapine and plunder, or sorners as we call it, and much of a piece with your highwaymen in England. Several governments desired to bring them to justice; but their country was inaccessible to small parties." See An impartial Account of some of the Transactions in Scotland concerning the Earl of Breadalbane, Viscount and Master of Stair, Glenco Men, &c., London, 1695.]

212 (return)

[ Report of the Commissioners, signed at Holyrood, June 20. 1695.]

213 (return)

[ Gallienus Redivivus; Burnet, ii. 88.; Report of the Commission of 1695.]

214 (return)

[ Report of the Glencoe Commission, 1695.]

215 (return)

[ Hill to Melville, May 15. 1691.]

216 (return)

[ Ibid. June 3. 1691.]

217 (return)

[ Burnet, ii. 8, 9.; Report of the Glencoe Commission. The authorities quoted in this part of the Report were the depositions of Hill, of Campbell of Ardkinglass, and of Mac Ian's two sons.]

218 (return)

[ Johnson's Tour to the Hebrides.]

219 (return)

[ Proclamation of the Privy Council of Scotland, Feb. q. 1589. I give this reference on the authority of Sir Walter Scott. See the preface to the Legend of Montrose.]

220 (return)

[ Johnson's Tour to the Hebrides.]

221 (return)

[ Lockhart's Memoirs.]

222 (return)

[ "What under heaven was the Master's byass in this matter? I can imagine none." Impartial Account, 1695. "Nor can any man of candour and ingenuity imagine that the Earl of Stair, who had neither estate, friendship nor enmity in that country, nor so much as knowledge of these persons, and who was never noted for cruelty in his temper, should have thirsted after the blood of these wretches." Complete History of Europe, 1707.]

223 (return)

[ Dalrymple, in his Memoirs, relates this story, without referring to any authority. His authority probably was family tradition. That reports were current in 1692 of horrible crimes committed by the Macdonalds of Glencoe, is certain from the Burnet MS. Marl. 6584. "They had indeed been guilty of many black murthers," were Burnet's words, written in 1693. He afterwards softened down this expression.]

224 (return)

[ That the plan originally framed by the Master of Stair was such as I have represented it, is clear from parts of his letters which are quoted in the Report of 1695; and from his letters to Breadalbane of October 27., December 2., and December 3. 1691. Of these letters to Breadalbane the last two are in Dalrymple's Appendix. The first is in the Appendix to the first volume of Mr. Burtons valuable History of Scotland. "It appeared," says Burnet (ii. 157.), "that a black design was laid, not only to cut off the men of Glencoe, but a great many more clans, reckoned to be in all above six thousand persons."]

225 (return)

[ This letter is in the Report of 1695.]

226 (return)

[ London Gazette, January 14and 18. 1691.]

227 (return)

[ "I could have wished the Macdonalds had not divided; and I am sorry that Keppoch and Mackian of Glenco are safe."—Letter of the Master of Stair to Levingstone, Jan. 9. 1691/2 quoted in the Report of 1695.]

228 (return)

[ Letter of the Master of Stair to Levingstone, Jan. 11 1692, quoted in the Report of 1695.]

229 (return)

[ Burnet, in 1693, wrote thus about William:—"He suffers matters to run till there is a great heap of papers; and then he signs them as much too fast as he was before too slow in despatching them." Burnet MS. Harl. 6584. There is no sign either of procrastination or of undue haste in William's correspondence with Heinsius. The truth is, that the King understood Continental politics thoroughly, and gave his whole mind to them. To English business he attended less, and to Scotch business least of all.]

230 (return)

[ Impartial Account, 1695.]

231 (return)

[ See his letters quoted in the Report of 1695, and in the Memoirs of the Massacre of Glencoe.]

232 (return)

[ Report of 1695.]

233 (return)

[ Deposition of Ronald Macdonald in the Report of 1695; Letters from the Mountains, May 17. 1773. I quote Mrs. Grant's authority only for what she herself heard and saw. Her account of the massacre was written apparently without the assistance of books, and is grossly incorrect. Indeed she makes a mistake of two years as to the date.]

234 (return)

[ I have taken the account of the Massacre of Glencoe chiefly from the Report of 1695, and from the Gallienus Redivivus. An unlearned, and indeed a learned, reader may be at a loss to guess why the Jacobites should have selected so strange a title for a pamphlet on the massacre of Glencoe. The explanation will be found in a letter of the Emperor Gallienus, preserved by Trebellius Pollio in the Life of Ingenuus. Ingenuus had raised a rebellion in Moesia. He was defeated and killed. Gallienus ordered the whole province to be laid waste, and wrote to one of his lieutenants in language to which that of the Master of Stair bore but too much resemblance. "Non mihi satisfacies si tantum armatos occideris, quos et fors belli interimere potuisset. Perimendus est omnis sexus virilis. Occidendus est quicunque maledixit. Occidendus est quicunque male voluit. Lacera. Occide. Concide."]

235 (return)

[ What I have called the Whig version of the story is given, as well as the Jacobite version, in the Paris Gazette of April 7. 1692.]

236 (return)

[ I believe that the circumstances which give so peculiar a character of atrocity to the Massacre of Glencoe were first published in print by Charles Leslie in the Appendix to his answer to King. The date of Leslie's answer is 1692. But it must be remembered that the date of 1692 was then used down to what we should call the 25th of March 1693. Leslie's book contains some remarks on a sermon by Tillotson which was not printed till November 1692. The Gallienus Redivivus speedily followed.]

237 (return)

[ Gallienus Redivivus.]

238 (return)

[ Hickes on Burnet and Tillotson, 1695.]

239 (return)

[ Report of 1695.]

240 (return)

[ Gallienus Redivivus.]

241 (return)

[ Report of 1695.]

242 (return)

[ London Gazette, Mar. 7. 1691/2]

243 (return)

[ Burnet (ii. 93.) says that the King was not at this time informed of the intentions of the French Government. Ralph contradicts Burnet with great asperity. But that Burnet was in the right is proved beyond dispute, by William's correspondence with Heinsius. So late as April 24/May 4 William wrote thus: "Je ne puis vous dissimuler que je commence a apprehender une descente en Angleterre, quoique je n'aye pu le croire d'abord: mais les avis sont si multiplies de tous les cotes, et accompagnes de tant de particularites, qu'il n'est plus guere possible d'en douter." I quote from the French translation among the Mackintosh MSS.]

244 (return)

[ Burnet, ii. 95. and Onslow's note; Memoires de Saint Simon; Memoires de Dangeau.]

245 (return)

[ Life of James ii. 411, 412.]

246 (return)

[ Memoires de Dangeau; Memoires de Saint Simon. Saint Simon was on the terrace and, young as he was, observed this singular scene with an eye which nothing escaped.]

247 (return)

[ Memoires de Saint Simon; Burnet, ii. 95.; Guardian No. 48. See the excellent letter of Lewis to the Archbishop of Rheims, which is quoted by Voltaire in the Siecle de Louis XIV.]

248 (return)

[ In the Nairne papers printed by Macpherson are two memorials from James urging Lewis to invade England. Both were written in January 1692.]

249 (return)

[ London Gazette, Feb. 15. 1691/2]

250 (return)

[ Memoires de Berwick; Burnet, ii. 92.; Life of James, ii. 478. 491.]

251 (return)

[ History of the late Conspiracy, 1693.]

252 (return)

[ Life of James, ii. 479. 524. Memorials furnished by Ferguson to Holmes in the Nairne Papers.]

253 (return)

[ Life of James, ii. 474.]

254 (return)

[ See the Monthly Mercuries of the spring of 1692.]

255 (return)

[ Narcissus Luttrell's Diary for April and May 1692; London Gazette, May 9. and 12.]

256 (return)

[ Sheridan MS.; Life of James, ii. 492.]

257 (return)

[ Life of James, ii. 488.]

258 (return)

[ James told Sheridan that the Declaration was written by Melfort. Sheridan MS.]

259 (return)

[ A Letter to a Friend concerning a French Invasion to restore the late King James to his Throne, and what may be expected from him should he be successful in it, 1692; A second Letter to a Friend concerning a French Invasion, in which the Declaration lately dispersed under the Title of His Majesty's most gracious Declaration to all his loving Subjects, commanding their Assistance against the P. of O. and his Adherents, is entirely and exactly published according to the dispersed Copies, with some short Observations upon it, 1692; The Pretences of the French Invasion examined, 1692; Reflections on the late King James's Declaration, 1692. The two Letters were written, I believe, by Lloyd Bishop of Saint Asaph. Sheridan says, "The King's Declaration pleas'd none, and was turn'd into ridicule burlesque lines in England." I do not believe that a defence of this unfortunate Declaration is to be found in any Jacobite tract. A virulent Jacobite writer, in a reply to Dr. Welwood, printed in 1693, says, "As for the Declaration that was printed last year... I assure you that it was as much misliked by many, almost all, of the King's friends, as it can be exposed by his enemies."]

260 (return)

[ Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, April 1692.]

261 (return)

[ Sheridan MS.; Memoires de Dangeau.]

262 (return)

[ London Gazette, May 12. 16. 1692; Gazette de Paris, May 31. 1692.]

263 (return)

[ London Gazette, April 28. 1692]

264 (return)

[ Ibid. May 2. 5. 12. 16.]

265 (return)

[ London Gazette, May 16. 1692; Burchett.]

266 (return)

[ Narcissus Luttrell's Diary; London Gazette, May 19. 1692.]

267 (return)

[ Russell's Letter to Nottingham, May 20. 1692, in the London Gazette of May 23.; Particulars of Another Letter from the Fleet published by authority; Burchett; Burnet, ii. 93.; Life of James, ii. 493, 494.; Narcissus Luttrell's Diary; Memoires de Berwick. See also the contemporary ballad on the battle one of the best specimens of English street poetry, and the Advice to a Painter, 1692.]

268 (return)

[ See Delaval's Letter to Nottingham, dated Cherburg, May 22., in the London Gazette of May 26.]

269 (return)

[ London Gaz., May 26. 1692; Burchett's Memoirs of Transactions at Sea; Baden to the States General, May 24/June 3; Life of James, ii. 494; Russell's Letters in the Commons' Journals of Nov. 28. 1692; An Account of the Great Victory, 1692; Monthly Mercuries for June and July 1692; Paris Gazette, May 28/June 7; Van Almonde's despatch to the States General, dated May 24/June 3. 1692. The French official account will be found in the Monthly Mercury for July. A report drawn up by Foucault, Intendant of the province of Normandy, will be found in M. Capefigue's Louis XIV.]

270 (return)

[ An Account of the late Great Victory, 1692; Monthly Mercury for June; Baden to the States General, May 24/ June 3; Narcissus Luttrell's Diary.]

271 (return)

[ London Gazette, June 2. 1692; Monthly Mercury; Baden to the States General, June 14/24. Narcissus Luttrell's Diary.]

272 (return)

[ Narcissus Luttrell's Diary; Monthly Mercury.]

273 (return)

[ London Gazette, June 9.; Baden to the States General, June 7/17]

274 (return)

[ Baden to the States General, June. 3/13]

275 (return)

[ Baden to the States General, May 24/June 3; Narcissus Luttrell's Diary.]

276 (return)

[ An Account of the late Great Victory, 1692; Narcissus Luttrell's Diary.]

277 (return)

[ Baden to the States General, June 7/17. 1692.]

278 (return)

[ Narcissus Luttrell's Diary.]

279 (return)

[ I give one short sentence as a specimen: "O fie that ever it should be said that a clergyman have committed such durty actions!"]

280 (return)

[ Gutch, Collectanea Curiosa.]

281 (return)

[ My account of this plot is chiefly taken from Sprat's Relation of the late Wicked Contrivance of Stephen Blackhead and Robert Young, 1692. There are very few better narratives in the language.]

282 (return)

[ Baden to the States General, Feb. 14/24 1693.]

283 (return)

[ Postman, April 13. and 20. 1700; Postboy, April 18.; Flying Post, April 20.]

284 (return)

[ London Gazette, March 14. 1692.]

285 (return)

[ The Swedes came, it is true, but not till the campaign was over. London Gazette, Sept, 10 1691,]

286 (return)

[ William to Heinsius March 14/24. 1692.]

287 (return)

[ William to Heinsius, Feb. 2/12 1692.]

288 (return)

[ Ibid. Jan 12/22 1692.]

289 (return)

[ Ibid. Jan. 19/29. 1692.]

290 (return)

[ Burnet, ii. 82 83.; Correspondence of William and Heinsius, passim.]

291 (return)

[ Memoires de Torcy.]

292 (return)

[ William to Heinsius, Oct 28/Nov 8 1691.]

293 (return)

[ Ibid. Jan. 19/29. 1692.]

294 (return)

[ His letters to Heinsius are full of this subject.]

295 (return)

[ See the Letters from Rome among the Nairne Papers. Those in 1692 are from Lytcott; those in 1693 from Cardinal Howard; those in 1694 from Bishop Ellis; those in 1695 from Lord Perth. They all tell the same story.]

296 (return)

[ William's correspondence with Heinsius; London Gazette, Feb. 4. 1691. In a pasquinade published in 1693, and entitled "La Foire d'Ausbourg, Ballet Allegorique," the Elector of Saxony is introduced saying,

 
"Moy, je diray naivement,
Qu'une jartiere d'Angleterre
Feroit tout Mon empressement;
Et je ne vois rien sur la terre
Ou je trouve plus d'agrement."]
 

297 (return)

[ William's correspondence with Heinsius. There is a curious account of Schoening in the Memoirs of Count Dohna.]

298 (return)

[ Burnet, ii. 84.]

299 (return)

[ Narcissus Luttrell's Diary.]

300 (return)

[ Monthly Mercuries of January and April 1693; Burnet, ii. 84. In the Burnet MS. Hail. 6584, is a warm eulogy on the Elector of Bavaria. When the MS. was written he was allied with England against France. In the History, which was prepared for publication when he was allied with France against England, the eulogy is omitted.]

301 (return)

[ "Nec pluribus impar."]

302 (return)

[ Memoires de Saint Simon; Dangeau; Racine's Letters, and Narrative entitled Relation de ce qui s'est passe au Siege de Namur; Monthly Mercury, May 1692.]

303 (return)

[ Memoires de Saint Simon; Racine to Boileau, May 21. 1692.]

304 (return)

[ Monthly Mercury for June; William to Heinsius May 26/ June 5 1692.]

305 (return)

[ William to Heinsius, May 26/June 5 1692.]

306 (return)

[ Monthly Mercuries of June and July 1692; London Gazettes of June; Gazette de Paris; Memoires de Saint Simon; Journal de Dangeau; William to Heinsius, May 30/June 9 June 2/12 June 11/21; Vernon's Letters to Colt, printed in Tindal's History; Racine's Narrative, and Letters to Boileau of June 15. and 24.]

307 (return)

[ Memoires de Saint Simon.]

308 (return)

[ London Gazette, May 30. 1692; Memoires de Saint Simon; Journal de Dangeau; Boyer's History of William III.]

309 (return)

[ Memoires de Saint Simon; Voltaire, Siecle de Louis XIV. Voltaire speaks with a contempt which is probably just of the account of this affair in the Causes Celebres. See also the Letters of Madame de Sevigne during the months of January and February 1680. In several English lampoons Luxemburg is nicknamed Aesop, from his deformity, and called a wizard, in allusion to his dealings with La Voisin. In one Jacobite allegory he is the necromancer Grandorsio. In Narcissus Luttrell's Diary for June 1692 he is called a conjuror. I have seen two or three English caricatures of Luxemburg's figure.]

310 (return)

[ Memoires de Saint Simon; Memoires de Villars; Racine to Boileau, May 21. 1692.]

311 (return)

[ Narcissus Luttrell, April 28. 1692.]

312 (return)

[ London Gazette Aug. 4. 8. 11. 1692; Gazette de Paris, Aug. 9. 16.; Voltaire, Siecle de Louis XIV.; Burnet, ii. 97; Memoires de Berwick; Dykvelt's Letter to the States General dated August 4. 1692. See also the very interesting debate which took place in the House of Commons on Nov. 21. 1692. An English translation of Luxemburg's very elaborate and artful despatch will be found in the Monthly Mercury for September 1692. The original has recently been printed in the new edition of Dangeau. Lewis pronounced it the best despatch that he had ever seen. The editor of the Monthly Mercury maintains that it was manufactured at Paris. "To think otherwise," he says, "is mere folly; as if Luxemburg could be at so much leisure to write such a long letter, more like a pedant than a general, or rather the monitor of a school, giving an account to his master how the rest of the boys behaved themselves." In the Monthly Mercury will be found also the French official list of killed and wounded. Of all the accounts of the battle that which seems to me the best is in the Memoirs of Feuquieres. It is illustrated by a map. Feuquieres divides his praise and blame very fairly between the generals. The traditions of the English mess tables have been preserved by Sterne, who was brought up at the knees of old soldiers of William. "'There was Cutts's' continued the Corporal, clapping the forefinger of his right hand upon the thumb of his left, and counting round his hand; 'there was Cutts's, Mackay's Angus's, Graham's and Leven's, all cut to pieces; and so had the English Lifeguards too, had it not been for some regiments on the right, who marched up boldly to their relief, and received the enemy's fire in their faces before any one of their own platoons discharged a musket. They'll go to heaven for it,' added Trim."]