The History of England, from the Accession of James II — Volume 4

313 (return)

[ Voltaire, Siecle de Louis XIV.]

314 (return)

[ Langhorne, the chief lay agent of the Jesuits in England, always, as he owned to Tillotson, selected tools on this principle. Burnet, i. 230.]

315 (return)

[ I have taken the history of Grandval's plot chiefly from Grandval's own confession. I have not mentioned Madame de Maintenon, because Grandval, in his confession, did not mention her. The accusation brought against her rests solely on the authority of Dumont. See also a True Account of the horrid Conspiracy against the Life of His most Sacred Majesty William III. 1692; Reflections upon the late horrid Conspiracy contrived by some of the French Court to murder His Majesty in Flanders 1692: Burnet, ii. 92.; Vernon's letters from the camp to Colt, published by Tindal; the London Gazette, Aug, 11. The Paris Gazette contains not one word on the subject,—a most significant silence.]

316 (return)

[ London Gazette, Oct. 20. 24. 1692.]

317 (return)

[ See his report in Burchett.]

318 (return)

[ London Gazette, July 28. 1692. See the resolutions of the Council of War in Burchett. In a letter to Nottingham, dated July 10, Russell says, "Six weeks will near conclude what we call summer." Lords Journals, Dec. 19. 1692.]

319 (return)

[ Monthly Mercury, Aug. and Sept. 1692.]

320 (return)

[ Evelyn's Diary, July 25. 1692; Burnet, ii. 94, 95., and Lord Dartmouth's Note. The history of the quarrel between Russell and Nottingham will be best learned from the Parliamentary Journals and Debates of the Session of 1692/3.]

321 (return)

[ Commons' Journals, Nov. 19. 1692; Burnet, ii. 95.; Grey's Debates, Nov. 21. 1692; Paris Gazettes of August and September; Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, Sept.]

322 (return)

[ See Bart's Letters of Nobility, and the Paris Gazettes of the autumn of 1692.]

323 (return)

[ Memoires de Du Guay Trouin.]

324 (return)

[ London Gazette, Aug. 11. 1692; Evelyn's Diary, Aug. 10.; Monthly Mercury for September; A Full Account of the late dreadful Earthquake at Port Royal in Jamaica, licensed Sept. 9. 1692.]

325 (return)

[ Evelyn's Diary, June 25. Oct. 1. 1690; Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, June 1692, May 1693; Monthly Mercury, April, May, and June 1693; Tom Brown's Description of a Country Life, 1692.]

326 (return)

[ Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, Nov. 1692.]

327 (return)

[ See, for example, the London Gazette of Jan. 12. 1692]

328 (return)

[ Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, Dec. 1692.]

329 (return)

[ Ibid. Jan. 1693.]

330 (return)

[ Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, July 1692.]

331 (return)

[ Evelyn's Diary, Nov. 20. 1692: Narcissus Luttrell's Diary; London Gazette, Nov. 24.; Hop to the Greffier of the States General, Nov. 18/28]

332 (return)

[ London Gazette, Dec. 19. 1692.]

333 (return)

[ Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, Dec. 1692.]

334 (return)

[ Ibid. Nov. 1692.]

335 (return)

[ Ibid. August 1692.]

336 (return)

[ Hop to the Greffier of the States General, Dec 23/Jan 2 1693. The Dutch despatches of this year are filled with stories of robberies.]

337 (return)

[ Hop to the Greffier of the States General, Dec 23/Jan 2 1693; Historical Records of the Queen's Bays, published by authority; Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, Nov. 15.]

338 (return)

[ Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, Dee. 22.]

339 (return)

[ Ibid. Dec. 1692; Hop, Jan. 3/13 Hop calls Whitney, "den befaamsten roover in Engelandt."]

340 (return)

[ London Gazette January 2. 1692/3.]

341 (return)

[ Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, Jan. 1692/3.]

342 (return)

[ Ibid. Dec. 1692.]

343 (return)

[ Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, January and February; Hop Jan 31/Feb 10 and Feb 3/13 1693; Letter to Secretary Trenchard, 1694; New Court Contrivances or more Sham Plots still, 1693.]

344 (return)

[ Lords' and Commons' Journals, Nov. 4., Jan. 1692.]

345 (return)

[ Commons' Journals, Nov. 10 1692.]

346 (return)

[ See the Lords' Journals from Nov. 7. to Nov. 18. 1692; Burnet, ii. 102. Tindall's account of these proceedings was taken from letters addressed by Warre, Under Secretary of State, to Colt, envoy at Hanover. Letter to Mr. Secretary Trenchard, 1694.]

347 (return)

[ Lords' Journals, Dec. 7.; Tindal, from the Colt Papers; Burnet, ii. 105.]

348 (return)

[ Grey's Debates, Nov. 21. and 23. 1692.]

349 (return)

[ Grey's Debates, Nov. 21. 1692; Colt Papers in Tindal.]

350 (return)

[ Tindal, Colt Papers; Commons' Journals, Jan. 11. 1693.]

351 (return)

[ Colt Papers in Tindal; Lords' Journals from Dec. 6. to Dec. 19. 1692; inclusive,]

352 (return)

[ As to the proceedings of this day in the House of Commons, see the Journals, Dec. 20, and the letter of Robert Wilmot, M.P. for Derby, to his colleague Anchitel Grey, in Grey's Debates.]

353 (return)

[ Commons' Journals, Jan. 4. 1692/3.]

354 (return)

[ Colt Papers in Tindal; Commons' Journals, Dec. 16. 1692, Jan. 11 1692; Burnet ii. 104.]

355 (return)

[ The peculiar antipathy of the English nobles to the Dutch favourites is mentioned in a highly interesting note written by Renaudot in 1698, and preserved among the Archives of the French Foreign Office.]

356 (return)

[ Colt Papers in Tindal; Lords' Journals, Nov. 28. and 29. 1692, Feb. 18. and 24. 1692/3.]

357 (return)

[ Grey's Debates, Nov 18. 1692; Commons' Journals, Nov. 18., Dec. 1. 1692.]

358 (return)

[ See Cibber's Apology, and Mountford's Greenwich Park.]

359 (return)

[ See Cibber's Apology, Tom Brown's Works, and indeed the works of every man of wit and pleasure about town.]

360 (return)

[ The chief source of information about this case is the report of the trial, which will be found in Howell's Collection. See Evelyn's Diary, February 4. 1692/3. I have taken some circumstances from Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, from a letter to Sancroft which is among the Tanner MSS in the Bodleian Library, and from two letters addressed by Brewer to Wharton, which are also in the Bodleian Library.]

361 (return)

[ Commons' Journals, Nov. 14. 1692.]

362 (return)

[ Commons' Journals of the Session, particularly of Nov. 17., Dec. 10., Feb. 25., March 3.; Colt Papers in Tindal.]

363 (return)

[ Commons' Journals, Dec. 10.; Tindal, Colt Papers.]

364 (return)

[ See Coke's Institutes, part iv. chapter 1. In 1566 a subsidy was 120,000L.; in 1598, 78,000L.; when Coke wrote his Institutes, about the end of the reign of James I. 70,000L. Clarendon tells us that, in 1640, twelve subsidies were estimated at about 600,000L.]

365 (return)

[ See the old Land Tax Acts, and the debates on the Land Tax Redemption Bill of 1798.]

366 (return)

[ Lords' Journals Jan. 16, 17, 18, 19, 20.; Commons' Journals, Jan. 17, 18. 20. 1692; Tindal, from the Colt Papers; Burnet, ii. 104, 105. Burnet has used an incorrect expression, which Tindal, Ralph and others have copied. He says that the question was whether the Lords should tax themselves. The Lords did not claim any right to alter the amount of taxation laid on them by the bill as it came up to them. They only demanded that their estates should be valued, not by the ordinary commissioners, but by special commissioners of higher rank.]

367 (return)

[ Commons' Journals, Dec. 2/12. 1692,]

368 (return)

[ For this account of the origin of stockjobbing in the City of London I am chiefly indebted to a most curious periodical paper, entitled, "Collection for the Improvement of Husbandry and Trade, by J. Houghton, F.R.S." It is in fact a weekly history of the commercial speculations of that time. I have looked through the files of several years. In No. 33., March 17. 1693, Houghton says: "The buying and selling of Actions is one of the great trades now on foot. I find a great many do not understand the affair." On June 13. and June 22. 1694, he traces the whole progress of stockjobbing. On July 13. of the same year he makes the first mention of time bargains. Whoever is desirous to know more about the companies mentioned in the text may consult Houghton's Collection and a pamphlet entitled Anglia Tutamen, published in 1695.]

369 (return)

[ Commons' Journals; Stat. 4 W. & M. c. 3.]

370 (return)

[ See a very remarkable note in Hume's History of England, Appendix III.]

371 (return)

[ Wealth of Nations, book v. chap. iii.]

372 (return)

[ Wesley was struck with this anomaly in 1745. See his Journal.]

373 (return)

[ Pepys, June 10. 1668.]

374 (return)

[ See the Politics, iv. 13.]

375 (return)

[ The bill will be found among the archives of the House of Lords.]

376 (return)

[ Lords' Journals, Jan. 3. 1692/3.]

377 (return)

[ Introduction to the Copies and Extracts of some Letters written to and from the Earl of Danby, now Duke of Leeds, published by His Grace's Direction, 1710.]

378 (return)

[ Commons' Journals; Grey's Debates. The bill itself is among the archives of the House of Lords.]

379 (return)

[ Dunton's Life and Errors; Autobiography of Edmund Bohun, privately printed in 1853. This autobiography is, in the highest degree, curious and interesting.]

380 (return)

[ Vox Cleri, 1689.]

381 (return)

[ Bohun was the author of the History of the Desertion, published immediately after the Revolution. In that work he propounded his favourite theory. "For my part," he says, "I am amazed to see men scruple the submitting to the present King; for, if ever man had a just cause of war, he had; and that creates a right to the thing gained by it. The King by withdrawing and disbanding his army yielded him the throne; and if he had, without any more ceremony, ascended it, he had done no more than all other princes do on the like occasions."]

382 (return)

[ Character of Edmund Bohun, 1692.]

383 (return)

[ Dryden, in his Life of Lucian, speaks in too high terms of Blount's abilities. But Dryden's judgment was biassed; for Blount's first work was a pamphlet in defence of the Conquest of Granada.]

384 (return)

[ See his Appeal from the Country to the City for the Preservation of His Majesty's Person, Liberty, Property, and the Protestant Religion.]

385 (return)

[ See the article on Apollonius in Bayle's Dictionary. I say that Blount made his translation from the Latin; for his works contain abundant proofs that he was not competent to translate from the Greek.]

386 (return)

[ See Gildon's edition of Blount's Works, 1695.]

387 (return)

[ Wood's Athenae Oxonienses under the name Henry Blount (Charles Blount's father); Lestrange's Observator, No. 290.]

388 (return)

[ This piece was reprinted by Gildon in 1695 among Blount's Works.]

389 (return)

[ That the plagiarism of Blount should have been detected by few of his contemporaries is not wonderful. But it is wonderful that in the Biographia Britannica his just Vindication should be warmly extolled, without the slightest hint that every thing good in it is stolen. The Areopagitica is not the only work which he pillaged on this occasion. He took a noble passage from Bacon without acknowledgment.]

390 (return)

[ I unhesitatingly attribute this pamphlet to Blount, though it was not reprinted among his works by Gildon. If Blount did not actually write it he must certainly have superintended the writing. That two men of letters, acting without concert, should bring out within a very short time two treatises, one made out of one half of the Areopagitica and the other made out of the other half, is incredible. Why Gildon did not choose to reprint the second pamphlet will appear hereafter.]

391 (return)

[ Bohun's Autobiography.]

392 (return)

[ Bohun's Autobiography; Commons' Journals, Jan. 20. 1692/3.]

393 (return)

[ Ibid. Jan. 20, 21. 1692/3]

394 (return)

[ Oldmixon; Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, Nov. and Dec. 1692; Burnet, ii. 334; Bohun's Autobiography.]

395 (return)

[ Grey's Debates; Commons' Journals Jan. 21. 23. 1692/3.; Bohun's Autobiography; Kennet's Life and Reign of King William and Queen Mary.]

396 (return)

[ "Most men pitying the Bishop."—Bohun's Autobiography.]

397 (return)

[ The vote of the Commons is mentioned, with much feeling in the memoirs which Burnet wrote at the time. "It look'd," he says, "somewhat extraordinary that I, who perhaps was the greatest assertor of publick liberty, from my first setting out, of any writer of the age, should be so severely treated as an enemy to it. But the truth was the Toryes never liked me, and the Whiggs hated me because I went not into their notions and passions. But even this, and worse things that may happen to me shall not, I hope, be able to make me depart from moderate principles and the just asserting the liberty of mankind."—Burnet MS. Harl. 6584.]

398 (return)

[ Commons' Journals, Feb. 27. 1692/3; Lords' Journals, Mar. 4.]

399 (return)

[ Lords' Journals, March 8. 1692/3.]

400 (return)

[ In the article on Blount in the Biographia Britannica he is extolled as having borne a principal share in the emancipation of the press. But the writer was very imperfectly informed as to the facts.

It is strange that the circumstances of Blount's death should be so uncertain. That he died of a wound inflicted by his own hand, and that he languished long, are undisputed facts. The common story was that he shot himself; and Narcissus Luttrell at the time, made an entry to this effect in his Diary. On the other hand, Pope, who had the very best opportunities of obtaining accurate information, asserts that Blount, "being in love with a near kinswoman of his, and rejected, gave himself a stab in the arm, as pretending to kill himself, of the consequence of which he really died."—Note on the Epilogue to the Satires, Dialogue I. Warburton, who had lived first with the heroes of the Dunciad, and then with the most eminent men of letters of his time ought to have known the truth; and Warburton, by his silence, confirms Pope's assertion. Gildon's rhapsody about the death of his friend will suit either story equally.]

401 (return)

[ The charges brought against Coningsby will be found in the journals of the two Houses of the English Parliament. Those charges were, after the lapse of a quarter of a century, versified by Prior, whom Coningsby had treated with great insolence and harshness. I will quote a few stanzas.

It will be seen that the poet condescended to imitate the style of the street ballads.

 
"Of Nero tyrant, petty king,
Who heretofore did reign
In famed Hibernia, I will sing,
And in a ditty plain.
"The articles recorded stand
Against this peerless peer;
Search but the archives of the land,
You'll find them written there."
 

The story of Gaffney is then related. Coningsby's speculations are described thus:

 
"Vast quantities of stores did he
Embezzle and purloin
Of the King's stores he kept a key,
Converting them to coin.
"The forfeited estates also,
Both real and personal,
Did with the stores together go.
Fierce Cerberas swallow'd all."
 

The last charge is the favour shown the Roman Catholics:

 
"Nero, without the least disguise,
The Papists at all times
Still favour'd, and their robberies
Look'd on as trivial crimes.
"The Protestants whom they did rob
During his government,
Were forced with patience, like good Job,
To rest themselves content.
"For he did basely them refuse
All legal remedy;
The Romans still he well did use,
Still screen'd their roguery."]
 

402 (return)

[ An Account of the Sessions of Parliament in Ireland, 1692, London, 1693.]

403 (return)

[ The Poynings Act is 10 H. 7. c. 4. It was explained by another Act, 3&4P.and M.c. 4.]

404 (return)

[ The history of this session I have taken from the journals of the Irish Lords and Commons, from the narratives laid in writing before the English Lords and Commons by members of the Parliament of Ireland and from a pamphlet entitled a Short Account of the Sessions of Parliament in Ireland, 1692, London, 1693. Burnet seems to me to have taken a correct view of the dispute, ii. 118. "The English in Ireland thought the government favoured the Irish too much; some said this was the effect of bribery, whereas others thought it was necessary to keep them safe from the prosecutions of the English, who hated them, and were much sharpened against them.... There were also great complaints of an ill administration, chiefly in the revenue, in the pay of the army, and in the embezzling of stores."]

405 (return)

[ As to Swift's extraction and early life, see the Anecdotes written by himself.]

406 (return)

[ Journal to Stella, Letter liii.]

407 (return)

[ See Swift's Letter to Temple of Oct. 6. 1694.]

408 (return)

[ Journal to Stella, Letter xix.;]

409 (return)

[ Swift's Anecdotes.]

410 (return)

[ London Gazette, March 27. 1693.]

411 (return)

[ Burnet, ii. 108, and Speaker Onslow's Note; Sprat's True Account of the Horrid Conspiracy; Letter to Trenchard, 1694.]

412 (return)

[ Burnett, ii. 107.]

413 (return)

[ These rumours are more than once mentioned in Narcissus Luttrell's Diary.]

414 (return)

[ London Gazette, March 27. 1693; Narcissus Luttrell's Diary:]

415 (return)

[ Burnett, ii, 123.; Carstairs Papers.]

416 (return)

[ Register of the Actings or Proceedings of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland held at Edinburgh, Jan. 15. 1692, collected and extracted from the Records by the Clerk thereof. This interesting record was printed for the first time in 1852.]

417 (return)

[ Act. Parl. Scot., June 12. 1693.]

418 (return)

[ Ibid. June 15. 1693.]

419 (return)

[ The editor of the Carstairs Papers was evidently very desirous, from whatever motive, to disguise this most certain and obvious truth. He has therefore prefixed to some of Johnstone's letters descriptions which may possibly impose on careless readers. For example Johnstone wrote to Carstairs on the 18th of April, before it was known that the session would be a quiet one, "All arts have been used and will be used to embroil matters." The editor's account of the contents of this letter is as follows:

"Arts used to embroil matters with reference to the affair of Glencoe." Again, Johnstone, in a letter written some weeks later, complained that the liberality and obsequiousness of the Estates had not been duly appreciated. "Nothing," he says, "is to be done to gratify the Parliament, I mean that they would have reckoned a gratification." The editor's account of the contents of this letter is as follows: "Complains that the Parliament is not to be gratified by an inquiry into the massacre of Glencoe."]

420 (return)

[ Life of James, ii. 479.]

421 (return)

[ Hamilton's Zeneyde.]

422 (return)

[ A View of the Court of St. Germains from the Year 1690 to 1695, 1696; Ratio Ultima, 1697. In the Nairne Papers is a letter in which the nonjuring bishops are ordered to send a Protestant divine to Saint Germains. This letter was speedily followed by another letter revoking the order. Both letters will be found in Macpherson's collection. They both bear date Oct. 16. 1693. I suppose that the first letter was dated according to the New Style and the letter of revocation according to the Old Style.]

423 (return)

[ Ratio Ultima, 1697; History of the late Parliament, 1699.]

424 (return)

[ View of the Court of Saint Germains from 1690 to 1695. That Dunfermline was grossly ill used is plain even from the Memoirs of Dundee, 1714.]

425 (return)

[ So early as the year 1690, that conclave of the leading Jacobites which gave Preston his instructions made a strong representation to James on this subject. "He must overrule the bigotry of Saint Germains; and dispose their minds to think of those methods that are more likely to gain the nation. For there is one silly thing or another daily done there, that comes to our notice here which prolongs what they so passionately desire." See also A Short and True Relation of Intrigues transacted both at Home and Abroad to restore the late King James, 1694.]

426 (return)

[ View of the Court of Saint Germains. The account given in this View is confirmed by a remarkable paper, which is among the Nairne MSS. Some of the heads of the Jacobite party in England made a representation to James, one article of which is as follows: "They beg that Your Majesty would be pleased to admit of the Chancellor of England into your Council; your enemies take advantage of his not being in it." James's answer is evasive. "The King will be, on all occasions, ready to express the just value and esteem he has for his Lord Chancellor."]

427 (return)

[ A short and true Relation of Intrigues, 1694.]

428 (return)

[ See the paper headed "For my Son the Prince of Wales, 1692." It is printed at the end of the Life of James.]

429 (return)

[ Burnet, i. 683.]

430 (return)

[ As to this change of ministry at Saint Germains see the very curious but very confused narrative in the Life of James, ii. 498-575.; Burnet, ii. 219.; Memoires de Saint Simon; A French Conquest neither desirable nor practicable, 1693; and the Letters from the Nairne MSS. printed by Macpherson.]

431 (return)

[ Life of James, ii. 509. Bossuet's opinion will be found in the Appendix to M. Mazure's history. The Bishop sums up his arguments thus "Je dirai done volontiers aux Catholiques, s'il y en a qui n'approuvent point la declaration dont il s'agit; Noli esse justus multum; neque plus sapias quam necesse est, ne obstupescas." In the Life of James it is asserted that the French Doctors changed their opinion, and that Bossuet, though he held out longer than the rest, saw at last that he had been in error, but did not choose formally to retract. I think much too highly of Bossuet's understanding to believe this.]

432 (return)

[ Life of James, ii. 505.]

433 (return)

[ "En fin celle cy—j'entends la declaration—n'est que pour rentrer: et l'on peut beaucoup mieux disputer des affaires des Catholiques a Whythall qu'a Saint Germain."—Mazure, Appendix.]

434 (return)

[ Baden to the States General, June 2/12 1693. Four thousand copies, wet from the press, were found in this house.]

435 (return)

[ Baden's Letters to the States General of May and June 1693; An Answer to the Late King James's Declaration published at Saint Germains, 1693.]

436 (return)

[ James, ii. 514. I am unwilling to believe that Ken was among those who blamed the Declaration of 1693 as too merciful.]

437 (return)

[ Among the Nairne Papers is a letter sent on this occasion by Middleton to Macarthy, who was then serving in Germany. Middleton tries to soothe Macarthy and to induce Macarthy to soothe others. Nothing more disingenuous was ever written by a Minister of State. "The King," says the Secretary, "promises in the foresaid Declaration to restore the Settlement, but at the same time, declares that he will recompense all those who may suffer by it by giving them equivalents." Now James did not declare that he would recompense any body, but merely that he would advise with his Parliament on the subject. He did not declare that he would even advise with his Parliament about recompensing all who might suffer, but merely about recompensing such as had followed him to the last. Finally he said nothing about equivalents. Indeed the notion of giving an equivalent to every body who suffered by the Act of Settlement, in other words, of giving an equivalent for the fee simple of half the soil of Ireland, was obviously absurd. Middleton's letter will be found in Macpherson's collection. I will give a sample of the language held by the Whigs on this occasion. "The Roman Catholics of Ireland," says one writer, "although in point of interest and profession different from us yet, to do them right, have deserved well from the late King, though ill from us; and for the late King to leave them and exclude them in such an instance of uncommon ingratitude that Protestants have no reason to stand by a Prince that deserts his own party, and a people that have been faithful to him and his interest to the very last."—A short and true Relation of the Intrigues, &c., 1694.]

438 (return)

[ The edict of creation was registered by the Parliament of Paris on the 10th of April 1693.]

439 (return)

[ The letter is dated the 19th of April 1693. It is among the Nairne MSS., and was printed by Macpherson.]

440 (return)

[ "Il ne me plait nullement que M. Middleton est alle en France. Ce n'est pas un homme qui voudroit faire un tel pas sans quelque chose d'importance, et de bien concerte, sur quoy j'ay fait beaucoup de reflections que je reserve a vous dire avostre heureuse arrivee."—William to Portland from Loo. April 18/28 1693.]

441 (return)

[ The best account of William's labours and anxieties at this time is contained in his letters to Heinsius—particularly the letters of May 1. 9. and 30. 1693.]

442 (return)

[ He speaks very despondingly in his letter to Heinsius of the 30th of May, Saint Simon says: "On a su depuis que le Prince d'Orange ecrivit plusieurs fois au prince de Vaudmont son ami intime, qu'il etait perdu et qu'il n'y avait que par un miracle qu'il pût echapper."]

443 (return)

[ Saint Simon; Monthly Mercury, June 1693; Burnet, ii. 111.]

444 (return)

[ Memoires de Saint Simon; Burnet, i. 404.]

445 (return)

[ William to Heinsius, July. 1693.]

446 (return)

[ Saint Simon's words are remarkable. "Leur cavalerie," he says, "y fit d'abord plier des troupes d'elite jusqu'alors invincibles." He adds, "Les gardes du Prince d'Orange, ceux de M. de Vaudemont, et deux regimens Anglais en eurent l'honneur."]

447 (return)

[ Berwick; Saint Simon; Burnet, i. 112, 113.; Feuquieres; London Gazette, July 27. 31. Aug. 3. 1693; French Official Relation; Relation sent by the King of Great Britain to their High Mightinesses, Aug. 2. 1693; Extract of a Letter from the Adjutant of the King of England's Dragoon Guards, Aug. 1.; Dykvelt's Letter to the States General dated July 30. at noon. The last four papers will be found in the Monthly Mercuries of July and August 1693. See also the History of the Last Campaign in the Spanish Netherlands by Edward D'Auvergne, dedicated to the Duke of Ormond, 1693. The French did justice to William. "Le Prince d'Orange," Racine wrote to Boileau, "pensa etre pris, apres avoir fait des merveilles." See also the glowing description of Sterne, who, no doubt, had many times heard the battle fought over by old soldiers. It was on this occasion that Corporal Trim was left wounded on the field, and was nursed by the Beguine.]

448 (return)

[ Letter from Lord Perth to his sister, June 17. 1694.]

449 (return)

[ Saint Simon mentions the reflections thrown on the Marshal. Feuquieres, a very good judge, tells us that Luxemburg was unjustly blamed, and that the French army was really too much crippled by its losses to improve the victory.]

450 (return)

[ This account of what would have taken place, if Luxemburg had been able and willing to improve his victory, I have taken from what seems to have been a very manly and sensible speech made by Talmash in the House of Commons on the 11th of December following. See Grey's Debates.]

451 (return)

[ William to Heinsius, July 20/30. 1693.]

452 (return)

[ William to Portland, July 21/31. 1693.]

453 (return)

[ London Gazette, April 24., May 15. 1693.]

454 (return)

[ Burchett's Memoirs of Transactions at Sea; Burnet, ii. 114, 115, 116.; the London Gazette, July 17. 1693; Monthly Mercury of July; Letter from Cadiz, dated July 4.]

455 (return)

[ Narcissus Luttrell's Diary; Baden to the States General, Jul 14/24, July 25/Aug 4. Among the Tanner MSS. in the Bodleian Library are letters describing the agitation in the City. "I wish," says one of Sancroft's Jacobite correspondents, "it may open our eyes and change our minds. But by the accounts I have seen, the Turkey Company went from the Queen and Council full of satisfaction and good humour."]

456 (return)

[ London Gazette, August 21 1693; L'Hermitage to the States General, July 28/Aug 7 As I shall, in this and the following chapters, make large use of the despatches of L'Hermitage, it may be proper to say something about him. He was a French refugee, and resided in London as agent for the Waldenses. One of his employments had been to send newsletters to Heinsius. Some interesting extracts from those newsletters will be found in the work of the Baron Sirtema de Grovestins. It was probably in consequence of the Pensionary's recommendation that the States General, by a resolution dated July 24/Aug 3 1693, desired L'Hermitage to collect and transmit to them intelligence of what was passing in England. His letters abound with curious and valuable information which is nowhere else to be found. His accounts of parliamentary proceedings are of peculiar value, and seem to have been so considered by his employers.